If this is all that republicanism has to offer then it becomes barely distinguishable from
existing liberal democracies.
Not exact matches
The few available attempts to link Whiteheadian metaphysics with political categories can be illustrated in the works of A. H. Johnson and Samuel Beer.1 Essentially, they become exercises in identifying which
existing political alternative —
liberal democracy, social - revolutionary
democracy, fascism, etc. — is most synonymous with Whitehead's formulations.
The revolutionary tradition of popular sovereignty
exists; it is simply that some
liberals don't wish to claim it, because at its heart it demonstrates that popular sovereignty (also the foundational principle of
democracy) and revolutionary acts are completely intertwined, are one.
He also noted that inequalities on a number of levels
exist in many
liberal democracies.
Blair's project is to dismantle the Labour Party as a party based on the unions, to destroy the elements of
democracy which
exist within the party and to transform the British political party system, through electoral reform, to make possible a long - term governmental alliance with the
Liberal Democrats and, if possible, the Heseltine - Clarke wing of the Tory Party.
Insofar as a social movement is «an organized, sustained, self - conscious challenge to
existing authorities» (Tilly, 1984), the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions included a multiplicity of informal and formal institutions and alliances: students, unions, professionals, religious groups, etc.And while the master frames calling for the ouster of Mubarak and Ben Ali were no doubt unifying discursive devices that were readily supported by most if not all of the protestors, secondary frames — calls for
democracy, social justice, freedom, and dignity — presented significant points of divergence not only in and between Islamist and non-Islamist groups, but between the secular -
liberal youth who are credited with initiating the mass protests in the first place.