Participants were drawn from the Maternal Lifestyle Study (MLS), an investigation of the effects of prenatal cocaine or opiate
exposure on child outcome in a longitudinal follow - up from 1 month to 11 years in 1,388 children divided into an exposed group and a comparison group (Lester, 1998).
Not exact matches
Moreover, data for
exposures in almost all studies were based only
on maternal recall, sometimes some years after the
exposures, although studies have shown that mothers remember breastfeeding durations many years after breastfeeding has stopped.55 - 57 Furthermore, research shows that mothers of sick
children sometimes remember early
exposures of their
children in greater detail compared with mothers of healthy
children, especially when the
exposures are publicly perceived to be associated with the
outcome studied.
DeCamp says previous studies have linked poor
child and adult health
outcomes to poverty and ACEs — broadly defined as abuse,
exposure to violence and family dysfunction — which can contribute to lifelong negative effects
on health and health care disparities.
This action, announced in advance, provided a unique opportunity to compare data
on ambient PAH levels, biomarkers, and health
outcomes in two successive cohorts of
children, with and without prenatal
exposure to emissions from the coal - fired power plant.
Some epidemiologic evidence suggests that arsenic
exposure in utero and early in life may be associated with adverse effects
on fetal growth, and
on infant and
child immune and neurodevelopment
outcomes.
Much of her work has examined this environmental justice question in the context of ambient air pollution and indoor chemical
exposures, prenatal
exposures and effects
on birth
outcomes and
children's health, often using community - based participatory research approaches for data collection and risk communication.
«We focused
on children because early
exposure can have long - term effects
on disease
outcomes,» says Rainbow Vogt, lead author of the study.
This differs from previous studies that use this cohort, where
exposure in pregnancy had a significantly greater effect
on other types of adverse
child outcomes.23 28 These findings may indicate that the relationship between school attendance and maternal alcohol use disorders is not primarily driven by the neurobehavioural effects of alcohol during pregnancy, but rather a complex family and social environment in which school attendance is not a priority or not well monitored.
The study sample was limited to
children for whom teacher - reported
outcomes as well as primary caregiver - report information
on 8 ACE
exposures on the basis of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Kaiser ACE study13 were available.
Children who experience poverty, particularly during early life or for an extended period, are at risk of a host of adverse health and developmental
outcomes through their life course.1 Poverty has a profound effect
on specific circumstances, such as birth weight, infant mortality, language development, chronic illness, environmental
exposure, nutrition, and injury.
Our findings add insight into the pathways linking early childhood adversity to poor adult wellbeing.29 Complementing past work that focused
on physical health, 9 our findings provide information about links between ACEs and early childhood
outcomes at the intersection of learning, behavior, and health.29 We found that ACEs experienced in early childhood were associated with poor foundational skills, such as language and literacy, that predispose individuals to low educational attainment and adult literacy, both of which are related to poor health.23, 30 — 33 Attention problems, social problems, and aggression were also associated with ACEs and also have the potential to interfere with
children's educational experience given known associations between self - regulatory behavior and academic achievement.34, 35 Consistent with the original ACE study and subsequent research, we found that
exposure to more ACEs was associated with more adverse
outcomes, suggesting a dose — response association.3 — 8 In fact, experiencing ≥ 3 ACEs was associated with below - average performance or problems in every
outcome examined.
The importance of early interventions that target caregiving is underscored by studies demonstrating high cost - effectiveness through greatly enhanced long - term
outcomes.41 Furthermore,
children who receive more nurturing caregiving may also be protected from
exposure to stressful life events, suggesting this central target may have positive ramifications
on brain development.42 Considering these issues, study findings are relevant to the public policy debate
on the importance of early preschool programs for young
children living in poverty.
Subjects with primary caregiver - reported information
on ACE
exposures ascertained at 5 years and teacher - reported
outcomes at the end of the
child's kindergarten year were included.
For example, there has been a dramatic increase in the number of
children entering foster care due to prenatal substance
exposure.36 The negative effects of substance
exposure on the fetus and developing
child have been extensively documented, although scholars emphasize the variability in
outcomes as well as the contribution of multiple ecological factors to
outcome.37
For instance, in their prospective study among young adolescents, Garber and Flynn (Garber and Flynn, 2001) found that negative self - worth develops as an
outcome of low maternal acceptance, a maternal history of depression and
exposure to negative interpersonal contexts, such as negative parenting practices, early history of
child maltreatment, negative feedback from significant others
on one's competence, and family discord and disruption.
Children living in poverty have lower scores on standardized tests of academic achievement, poorer grades in school, and lower educational attainment.2, 3 These patterns persist into adulthood, ultimately contributing to low wages and income.4, 5 Moreover, increased exposure to poverty in childhood is tied to greater deficits in these domains.6, 7 Despite numerous studies demonstrating the relationship between family resources and children's educational outcomes, little is known about mechanisms underlying the influence of poverty on children's learning and achi
Children living in poverty have lower scores
on standardized tests of academic achievement, poorer grades in school, and lower educational attainment.2, 3 These patterns persist into adulthood, ultimately contributing to low wages and income.4, 5 Moreover, increased
exposure to poverty in childhood is tied to greater deficits in these domains.6, 7 Despite numerous studies demonstrating the relationship between family resources and
children's educational outcomes, little is known about mechanisms underlying the influence of poverty on children's learning and achi
children's educational
outcomes, little is known about mechanisms underlying the influence of poverty
on children's learning and achi
children's learning and achievement.
Early development consists of critical periods during which
children are vulnerable to
exposures.34 Delays in
children's development occur cumulatively and start as early as conception, which supports arguments for early investments.35 The impact of different nutrients
on children's development depends
on timing, dose and duration of deficiencies.8, 36 Parenting practices and home environments also influence
child development and may either accentuate or attenuate the effects of poverty, which directly affects
child outcomes.37 Thus, potential intervention effects can vary according to timing,
exposures and environmental conditions.38 For these reasons, it is important to consider trajectories of
child development across a spectrum of ages, not just any one age.39
Audience members will hear from maternal and
child health leaders in New Jersey
on the Maternal Wraparound Program to promote maternal health, improve birth
outcomes for women, their infants and families and reduce the risks and adverse consequences of prenatal substance
exposure.
As noted in the previous chapter, health inequalities can be fairly broadly defined to include differences in: specific health
outcomes (such as low birthweight, obesity, long - term conditions, accidents); health related risk factors that impact directly
on children (such as poor diet, low levels of physical activity,
exposure to tobacco smoke); as well as
exposure to wider risks from parental / familial behaviours and environmental circumstances (maternal depression and / or poor physical health, alcohol consumption, limited interaction, limited cognitive stimulation, poor housing, lack of access to greenspace).
Previous research has found that
exposure to poor maternal mental health in the early years can have a range of impacts
on child behavioural, emotional, social and cognitive
outcomes, and that there may be differences in
outcomes for those exposed to brief or long - standing maternal mental ill health.
Exposure to adverse childhood experiences (ACE) has been found to have a profound negative impact
on multiple
child outcomes, including academic achievement, social cognition patterns, and behavioral adjustment.
GUS represents a key source of data
on the extent of these inequalities amongst
children in Scotland but further, and importantly, is uniquely placed to examine the impact of
exposure to risk factors
on later
outcomes.
First, we examined the relationships of plausible covariates, including gender, birth - weight, post-conceptual age
on the visit day (gestational age + days of life since birth to the visit day), ethnicity, prenatal smoking
exposure, and
child sleep condition at the time of EEG recording with
outcome measures (frontal EEG power, functional connectivity at 6 and 18 months of age, or behavioral scores at 24 months of age).
Past research linking food insecurity to
children's
outcomes was mostly based
on cross-sectional samples [5], [12], [14], [15] or short follow - up (up to two years)[16], [17] and the long - term consequences of
exposure to food insecurity early
on in life are not well known.