For instance, University of Wisconsin economist Derek Neal's analysis of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth found that, even after adjusting
for family background characteristics, students from Catholic schools were 16 percentage points more likely to go to college than were public - school students.
This argument, interestingly enough, is the precise opposite of one of the primary arguments against the testing and accountability provisions of NCLB: We should not hold schools responsible for low achievement, because achievement is affected by student motivation and
family background characteristics beyond the school's control.
Working with data from the State of Florida, I have regularly noticed that achievement gains by students who move from one public school to another badly trail the gains of students who remain in the same school — even after one has adjusted for
many family background characteristics.
Student and
family background characteristics used in the analysis include a student's gender, immigration status, exposure to early childhood education, the number of books in the home, and parental occupation and work status.
We also carried out the difference - in - differences analysis in these demographic measures to understand the changes in New Orleans relative to the matched comparison group of hurricane - affected districts, and then simulated the effect of changes in
family background characteristics on test scores using data from the federal Early Childhood Longitudinal Study.
Personal and relationship contexts: include
family background characteristics such as previous marriages, existing children, the quality of an individual's parents» marriage, family relationship quality, age at marriage, and parents» and friends» approval of the relationship.
Most studies put the school - based contribution to what is commonly called the «achievement gap» closer to 20 %, with about 60 % attributable to «student and family background characteristics [which] likely pertain to income / poverty» and the other 20 % unexplained.
People have suggested these patterns might be due to: neighborhood / local area / region of family background;
other family background characteristics; high school test scores or high school quality; quality of college attended; choices of majors and occupations; choice of neighborhood or area to live in after college.
As statistical theory anticipates, the average difference in the combined reading and math test scores of African - Americans in all three cities remained exactly the same - 6.3 NPR points - after the adjustments
for family background characteristics were introduced.
These indicate how well a teacher's students did relative to other teachers» students, controlling for prior student achievement and for student and
family background characteristics (for example, age, race and ethnicity, disability, free or reduced - price lunch status, and parental education level).
Before conducting the lotteries, our evaluation team collected data on student test scores and
family background characteristics.
Nonetheless, after the release of our study, some analysts objected to the apparent absence of controls for
family background characteristics.
We found that the vast majority (about 60 percent) of the differences in student test scores are explained by individual and
family background characteristics.
«But in the big picture, roughly 60 percent of achievement outcomes is explained by student and
family background characteristics (most are unobserved, but likely pertain to income / poverty).