Back in 2004, Spencer Hsu told the story of how
the first federal voucher program was launched, when George W. Bush signed legislation providing grants worth as much as $ 7,500 each to children from dozens of public schools in the District of Columbia for their use at private or religious schools in a five - year experiment.
Not exact matches
The new plan would funnel
federal money directly to one type of public college, taking a
first step away from the existing
voucher model and toward one that looks more like America's K - 12 system.
When Mr. Obama
first moved to phase out the D.C.
voucher program in 2009, his Education Department was in possession of a
federal study showing that
voucher recipients, who number more than 3,300, made gains in reading scores and didn't decline in math.
While a lottery to select
voucher recipients chose
first from among students in 15 D.C. public schools that failed for two years to meet goals under the
federal No Child Left Behind Act, about one in six D.C. children who will receive tuition grants are students who already attend private school.
Many Democrats see portability as the
first step toward
federal vouchers for private schools and argue that it would siphon dollars from schools with high poverty and profound needs to those in more affluent neighborhoods.
In Wisconsin, the governor raised the income eligibility limit on school
vouchers in 2012 to 300 percent of the
federal poverty level (again, that's $ 70,650 for a family of four), and families were no longer held to any income limits after the
first year of receiving
vouchers.
If there are more applications than available
vouchers, priority will be given
first to students who received
vouchers in the previous year, second to students from families with incomes at or below 100 percent of the
federal poverty level ($ 24,600 for a family of four in 2017 — 18) and third to students from families with incomes between 100 and 200 percent of the
federal poverty level.
The appeals court
first agreed with the trial court that the
voucher programs did not run violate the Religion Clause, citing two Arizona Supreme Court cases, Community Council v. Jordan, 432 P. 2d 460 (Ariz. 1967), andKotterman v. Killian, 972 P. 2d 606 (1999), that suggested that Arizona's Religion Clause was «virtually indistinguishable from the United States Supreme Court's interpretation of the
federal Establishment Clause.»
Trump's nominee to head the
federal department of education is Betsy DeVos, chairwoman of the pro-school
voucher group American Federation for Children and a big donor to Gov. Scott Walker, who has significantly expanded school
vouchers in Wisconsin since he was
first elected in 2010.
But their arguments could become relevant on the national stage when they contend the Colorado Supreme Court ruling, by prohibiting private religious K - 12 schools from accepting
vouchers, is on a collision course with the
federal First and Fourteenth Amendments.
ear after Maryland lawmakers created the state's
first private school
voucher program, indications are that the state is gearing up for big changes to address low - performing schools as education officials work to draft a plan to comply with the
federal Every Student Succeeds Act.
But Jindal blasted the DOJ's letterbecause the central component of the lawsuit still stands: DOJ is still aiming to keep the program from granting
vouchers next school year unless a
federal court
first approves parents» decisions about where they want to send their children to school.
The Justice Department is seeking to bar the awarding of these scholarships, also called
vouchers, in public school systems that are under
federal desegregation orders, unless the
vouchers first are approved by a
federal judge.