Not exact matches
Nevertheless, there are good reasons for thinking that conservatism (as here and now understood) arose out of a reaction,
first to the French
Revolution, and secondly to the habit engendered by that revolution, of seeking large - scale social transformation as a remedy for the unhappine
Revolution, and secondly to the habit engendered by that
revolution, of seeking large - scale social transformation as a remedy for the unhappine
revolution, of seeking large - scale
social transformation as a remedy for the unhappiness of man.
That a genuine
social revolution can only take place from below will
first become convincingly clear, writes Heinz - Joachim Heydorn, when we are able to free ourselves from the predominance of a purely political thought that does not understand the long - term problems of our modern life.
This witness and theology also played a significant part in the
social, legal, cultural, and economic incorporation of the negative image of Jews and Judaism into the fabric of Christian culture from the time of the
first anti-Jewish legislation at the Council of Elvira (306) until the time of the French
Revolution (in the West)(see many of the above, especially FF).
Among his publications are
Social Ethics and Christianity,
First World Theology and Third World Critique, and Religion and Just
Revolution.
Modernity is represented by three forces -
first, the
revolution in the relation of humanity to nature, signified by science and technology; second, the revolutionary changes in the concept of justice in the
social relations between fellow human beings indicated by the self - awakening of all oppressed and suppressed humans to their fundamental human rights of personhood and peoplehood, especially to the values of liberty and equality of participation in power and society; thirdly, the break - up of the traditional integration of state and society with religion, in response to religious pluralism on the one hand and the affirmation of the autonomy of the secular realm from the control of religion on the other».
Little's answer is twofold:
First, the religious
revolution of the seventeenth century — a
revolution that defined new «order» in the church, in the parish, in the «priesthood of all believers,» and in
social life generally — provided an ideologically parallel case.
In this book, NPR
social media chief Andy Carvin — «the man who tweets
revolutions» — offers a unique
first - person recap of the Arab Spring.
And as Tunisians use
social media (and the newly freed mass media channels) to communicate amongst themselves and collectively write the next chapter of their history, it seems clear the internet's ability to make anyone a publisher played some role in what may be the
first of a wave of
revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East.
Again,
social media didn't cause the Tunisian
Revolution, but they enabled it — without the ability of a small number of activists to pass along shocking news and imagery from the
first wave of protests, they might have fizzled out as so many street demonstrations in so many countries have in the past.
He acknowledges the motivations and successes of the economic
revolution of the 1980s but suggests it did little to foster a sense of
social responsibility - creating a new age of «me
first» individualism.
The overthrow of the Egyptian regime in February is being called by some the
first social media
revolution.
Insofar as a
social movement is «an organized, sustained, self - conscious challenge to existing authorities» (Tilly, 1984), the Tunisian and Egyptian
revolutions included a multiplicity of informal and formal institutions and alliances: students, unions, professionals, religious groups, etc.And while the master frames calling for the ouster of Mubarak and Ben Ali were no doubt unifying discursive devices that were readily supported by most if not all of the protestors, secondary frames — calls for democracy,
social justice, freedom, and dignity — presented significant points of divergence not only in and between Islamist and non-Islamist groups, but between the secular - liberal youth who are credited with initiating the mass protests in the
first place.
See, e.g., Coleman, The Struggle for Control of Education, in Education and
Social Policy: Local Control of Education 64, 77 - 79 (C. Bowers, I. Housego & D. Dyke eds.1970); J. Conant, The Child, The Parent, and The State 27 (1959)(«Unless a local community, through its school board, has some control over the purse, there can be little real feeling in the community that the schools are in fact, local schools...»); Howe, Anatomy of a
Revolution, in Saturday Review 84, 88 (Nov. 20, 1971)(«It is an axiom of American politics that control and power follow money...»); R. Hutchinson, State - Administered Locally Shared Taxes 21 (1931)-LRB-» [S] tate administration of taxation is the
first step toward state control of the functions supported by these taxes...»).
In Teaching Middle School
Social Studies III, Ali Brown — director of history achievement for the Achievement
First schools — asked her class to write an «essential question» that would frame a unit they were soon to teach on the American
Revolution.
Set two years after the canon ending of Human
Revolution, the established
social unrest of the
first game has since devolved into chaos, as augmented humans are now seen as a violent threat towards society.
These minimal compositions may look familiar today, but it helps to recall that the dawn of the 20th century was still the time when Monet obsessively rendered his water lilies and Seurat fastidiously labored over the Grand Jatte one paint dot at a time... This was a time of the industrial
revolution, broad
social and political changes that found their reflections in the changing pictorial and musical themes of the
first decades of the 20th century.
As an adolescent and teenager, Cai witnessed the
social effects of the Cultural
Revolution first - hand, personally participating in demonstrations and parades himself.
While shelves of books have been written about Pop art, The Pop
Revolution is the
first to approach it not only as an aesthetic upheaval, but also as a bellwether for the
social, cultural, economic and political changes affecting America and Europe in the late twentieth century.