Sentences with phrase «for cultural conservatives»

The answers to these questions have ominous implications for cultural conservatives.

Not exact matches

Kenney is a workhorse widely recognized for his drive in building Conservative party relationships with Canada's cultural communities.

The same is also true for the special tax credits that were introduced by the Conservatives since 2006 to help «middle - income families» put their kids in athletic or cultural activities.

Before the 1970s, evangelicals voted as often for Democrats as for Republicans, but in the wake of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, a Supreme Court decision ending prayer in public schools, and the legalisation of abortion in 1973, the Republican Party recognised an opportunity to build a new coalition of Christian conservatives upset with the cultural changes sweeping the country.

And I know harpin» on the Boomers is a temptation for an X-er like me — as I've said before, we all owe a lot to sensible boomers in the conservative movement, in comparable cultural movements, etc..

Conservative Christians say their churches have been unprepared for cultural shifts on same - sex marriage.

But some conservative commentators, after narrating all the outrageous anecdotes, seem baffled for a positive program of cultural education, and others even seem positively anticultural — as though willing to admit that the ideologies of the secularists are what constitute the humanities.

They had great respect for the religious and cultural basis of Western civilization but most would in no way consider themselves religious conservatives.

However, once that mainstream had been established, a certain underground ethic intensified and regularized rock's radical commitment, gathering cultural strength, and from 1988 - 1997 it actually grew popular, probably with the economic prosperity provided by Anglosphere conservatives and the security provided by the collapse of the USSR subconsciously giving many persons permission for indulging in greater radicalism.

Their discomfort with cultural issues is reflected in their protests that matters such as partial - birth abortion, school prayer, or same - sex marriage are not proper items for political debate; they are rather «wedge issues» that conservatives illegitimately bring into the public arena in order to divide the nation (read: in order to cost Democrats votes).

It also helped to foster the culture which surrounds First Things, perhaps the most articulate organ for the expression of conservative religious voices in the current cultural climate.

This is because until one admits the basic instability of intermediate modernity, and that our major cultural sicknesses go back at least as far as its 1920s arrival, one can not be a genuine conservative, nor have the degree of sympathy for Rock and the 60s counter-culture that one ought to.

That is, while conservative leaders are only too happy to appropriate Kirk's name for the purpose of gaining intellectual credibility, they just as quickly ignore the specifics of his cultural criticism.

Donald T. Critchlow's impressively researched Phyllis Schlafly and Grassroots Conservatism, a narrative of Schlafly's political career, explains that it was this unyielding quality of hers — her resolute refusal to cultivate the intellectual and cultural elites of either coast, even the conservative intellectual and cultural elites who were her natural ideological allies — that provided the astonishing power that she managed to wield in American politics for more than three decades.

To be conservative today means promoting an ever - greater economic freedom while calling for the restoration of a unified national culture that promotes solidarity — economic individualism in tandem with cultural consolidation.

At the same time, Huckabee's support for the FairTax and his identity politics cultural positioning repulses the key «somewhat conservative» voters who value policy prudence and electability.

For Nye — and on the other side of the aisle, many conservative Christian leaders — opposing ideologies about science, particularly as they pertain to the role and existence of God, is a high - stakes cultural battleground.

Continuing cultural trends toward demanding more satisfactory evidence for belief and greater help on human problems have consequences for both conservative and liberal churches.

«This leaves many conservatives hoping for a religious revival, or a cultural shift like the one that took place during the Victorian era,» Fukuyama writes.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

Henry rejected liberal versions of the social gospel which tended to be all social and no gospel, but he appealed to an earlier evangelical consensus of cultural engagement that included the work of William Wilberforce in campaigning for the abolition of the slave trade in England, the revivalist impulses of Charles G. Finney against slavery in this country, as well as evangelical concerns for suffrage, temperance, child labor laws, fair wages for workers, and many other progressive issues to which many theologically conservative Christians were once committed» before what David Moberg has called «the great reversal,» an evangelical withdrawal from such concerns.

Liberals largely have higher education, the elite newspapers and time mainline churches on their side, as conservatives never tire of pointing out; for angry conservatives, the cultural power of American liberalism is suffocating and immense.

(As a Catholic, and cultural conservative, watch for the role of Cardinal Edward Egan in support of Astorino.

«What's happened to the Conservative Party in Scotland is a lesson for us amongst the «optimistic content» voters», he warned, adding that it had become «counter cultural» for people to vote Conservative in Scotland: «We've got to ensure that it never becomes so counter cultural for the optimistic contents to never vote Labour.»

Except for some private sectors, women usually wear conservative cultural dresses to work on Mondays and men wear long sleeve shirts in pink (the king's favorite color) or in yellow (Thailand's symbolical color), as a respect to the Royals and probably the country.

Constructivism, a student - centered approach typically associated with the progressive left, was an odd cultural fit for a conservative district like Douglas County.

The history buffs and cultural enthusiasts among us will know that classy, comfortable, and conservative footwear is a must for museums, mosques, and historical or religious sites.

Hal Foster states that neo-expressionism was complicit with the conservative cultural politics of the Reagan - Bush era in the U.S. [50] Félix Guattari disregards the «large promotional operations dubbed «neo-expressionism» in Germany,» (an example of a «fad that maintains itself by means of publicity») as a too easy way for him «to demonstrate that postmodernism is nothing but the last gasp of modernism.»

An extremely conservative administration paired with a dominant art market has produced a cultural climate in crisis, heightening the need for cultural producers to create space for desires of their surrounding community.

That's certainly true of conservative cultural warriors in the US, for whom AGW - denial is a shibboleth for tribal identity.

Thus, «conservatives» in different cultural situations will be advocating for conserving different things.

For people on the political right (e.g., more politically conservative), perception of scientific consensus decreases, just as cultural cognition predicts.