Sentences with phrase «for early modern»

Wilson is displaying how Third World culture becomes a First World stereotype, just as with primitivism for early modern art.

That's strong evidence for early modern human migration across the Red Sea to Arabia, he says, rather than the more northern route.

Not exact matches

At Columbia Business School, Andrew Asnes helped develop a successful strategic marketing plan for Paul Taylor's American Modern Dance — where he had launched his career as a performer 25 years earlier.

Peter Drucker, the founder of modern business management, often is credited for coming up with the basis for SMART, and the specific mnemonics can be traced back to mentions as early as 1981.

Modern chips typically have so much idle processing power that it makes sense for programs to calculate several options to solve a problem even before earlier steps in the program have completed.

The modern technique established an upstream method for detecting deviations from specified quality — early detection — used to trigger analysis of causes and then changes to manufacturing procedures.

If I were an early Christian being killed for my beliefs I'd be pretty disgusted by this modern crop of hypocritical whiners.

As a historian I do not want people downplaying horrific events for modern points - be it the early persecution of the church, the Crusades, the holocaust - whatever it might be.

For some time, hyper - modern writers have brought to bear against their modern past the same sort of scarifying analysis that earlier modern writers brought against the premodern past.

I can't speak for James Kugel, who as I observed in my essay tends to overdraw the contrast between what we can reliably know historically (as opposed to the often agenda - driven projects of modern critics) and the ways in which the Bible was read in the earlier traditions.

For this reason we probably ought to distinguish between anti-Semitism and anti-Jewish thought — the former being that modern phenomenon all democratic persons are eager to combat; the latter the expressions of hostility or dislike found in earlier periods as a result of the specific religious and historical role the Jews and their antagonists have played.

In the preface to Creative Synthesis and Philosophic Method, Hartshorne celebrates «our English inheritance of critical caution and concern for clarity»; he seeks to learn more from Leibniz, «the most lucid metaphysician in the early modern period,» as well as from Bergson, Peirce, James, Dewey, and Whitehead, «five philosophers of process of great genius and immense knowledge of the intellectual and spiritual resources of this century.

The quest for foundationalist certainty, with which we are all familiar, is a distinctly modern project, one launched as a response to the instabilities and uncertainties of early - modern Europe.

For Larrimore the medieval and early modern periods mark the rise of the Book of Job as disputation, with Maimonides, Thomas Aquinas, and Calvin as his chosen representatives.

Now in his earliest metaphysic embedded in Science and the Modern World Whitehead did address a problem common to philosophers of that period: how to find a workable substitute for space, time, and matter, the discredited notions of scientific materialism.

Although the various scriptural arguments for the resurrection of Jesus are open to question, modern writers insist that some explanation is needed of what empowered the early disciples to spread the message of Jesus across the world.

The development of a new philosophy of science which radically questions the earlier mechanical - materialistic world - view within which classical modern science worked and also the search for a new philosophy of technological development and struggle for social justice which takes seriously the concern for ecological justice, are very much part of the contemporary situation.

It is not without significance that the modern artist has given himself so fully to envisioning evil and nothingness, or has been so deeply bound to visions of Satan, of chaos, and of emptiness; for the artist can not escape the reality of his time by fleeing to an earlier moment of history.

However, this «new reformation», he believes, will incorporate the early Christian insights but will provide for them a new philosophical context in the light of science, philosophy, and other modern ways of seeing the creation and the relationship of God to that creation.

Conservatives (who are often early modern liberals in outlook and temperament) sometimes look fondly at the purifying effects of «severe struggle,» substituting economic for natural battle.

We can observe this search for a unifying principle at work in the history of philosophy, developing from Thales» water, Plato's Form of the Good, and Aristotle's Unmoved Mover, through most of medieval and early modern philosophy, and on to the objective anticipation of the final whole around which Pannenberg centers his system.

The institutions and values of the modern world that the Anglo - Americans mastered so quickly emerged from changes at the end of the Middle Ages that came earlier to continental Europe than they did to Britain, and although the Anglo - Americans successfully resolved the conflicts set in motion by the upheavals of the Protestant Reformation, the European changes provided the political and theological resources for the Anglo - American solutions.

The place of the justified resort to force within this overall conception was, for medieval and early modern thinkers alike, encapsulated in a verse from the Apostle Paul, Romans 13:4: «For [the ruler] is God's minister to you for gofor medieval and early modern thinkers alike, encapsulated in a verse from the Apostle Paul, Romans 13:4: «For [the ruler] is God's minister to you for goFor [the ruler] is God's minister to you for gofor good.

Whitehead» s religiously - guided education might have been unsuited for modern times, yet it is fair to say that his profound philosophical development had its beginning in some very early insights, for example, the concept of the consequent nature of God and the evidence of God's presence in the pattern of beauty in mathematics.

So early Christians paid the price for not swearing allegiance to another man; so why would modern christians swear allegiance to an idea, government, or a piece of cloth that isn't even alive?

You mentioned earlier that Hitler couldn't have been a christian because that would mean he would worship a jewish messiah, and yet the biggest hate that Jews have faced for most of modern history has been from christians.

For medieval and early modern people the breast was anything but an abstract symbol.

It would be to do for the modern era what Aristotle succeeded in doing for an earlier age — it would be to find a way, given the modern world's understanding of nature, to do justice to human being as a part of nature so understood.

That was in the early»70s, when with long hair, bobbles, bangles and beads and a gleam of communitarian utopianism in my eyes, I finally found my way into the fourth century treatise by Nemesius, peri phuseos anthropon («On the Nature of the Human»), where it at length dawned on me that ancient wisdom could be the basis for a deeper critique of modern narcissistic individualism than I had yet seen.

Jesus» teaching was not «social,» in our modern sense of sociological utopianism; but it was something vastly profounder, a religious ethic which involved a social as well as a personal application, but within the framework of the beloved society of the Kingdom of God; and in its relations to the pagan world outside it was determined wholly from within that beloved society — as the rest of the New Testament and most of the other early Christian literature takes for granted.

Cavanaugh points out that the Fall had been dropped from early Modern thought not for any scientific reasons but for political expediency — to protect civil authority from interference by the Church.

Then the existentialism of the early Heidegger seemed to provide the key to the problem of interpreting Scripture meaningfully for modern hearers.

Yet one more conviction links the one thousand columns, and in fact dates back to the earlier series of Catholic press columns I wrote from 1979 until 1986: the conviction that the Catholic Church in the United States, for all its difficulties, is more likely to be the «Church in the modern world» envisioned by the Second Vatican Council than any other local Church.

An interview with Catholic Islamologist Michel Cuypers earlier this year with Il Regno, has highlighted this and that today a growing number of Islamic scholars are calling for modern Biblical - like exegesis.

For James, the genres of the novel and the detective story have merged: «The modern detective story has moved away from the earlier crudities and simplicities.

But if the early church could survive — and in fact, thrive amidst persecution — when it included both Jews and Gentiles, zealots and tax collectors, slaves and owners, men and women, those in support of circumcision and those against it, those staunchly opposed to eating food that had been sacrificed to idols and those who felt it necessary, then I think modern American Christianity can survive when it includes democrats and republicans, biblical literalists and biblical non-literalists, Calvinists and Arminians... so long as we're not rooting for one another's demise.

If these early followers had been content to withdraw from and forget their relationship to the rest of society, Newbigin says, they would have posed no threat to the Emperor and his power:» [the first century church] would have enjoyed the protection of the law — the same protection which churches enjoy in our modern culture, available for exactly the same reason — namely, that they pose no threat to the ideology which controls public life.»

These texts and studies do not exhaust the various ways in which women were perceived, and their roles commented upon, by writers of the early church, but they offer points of departure for a discussion on the contribution of women to the life and witness of the early church without forgetting that the «ancient sources and modern historians agree that primary conversion to Christianity was far more prevalent among females than among males» [13] in the time of the early church.

Searching for the source of the main current in modern philosophical thought, he focuses on the failure of early modern «naturalists» to address the anomalies in their metaphysical beliefs.

For in the earliest round of the debate, Griffin remarked on how forced, unnecessarily cautious, or simply unnatural are Ford's readings of relevant passages in Science and the Modern World and Religion in the Making — readings claiming that panpsychism is not truly found in either book, and that the appearance to the contrary is due to our reading into them ideas derived from the canonical portions of Process and Reality (REWM 194 - 201).

Eire has an eye for the telling quotation, and he punctuates his narrative with lists designed to help the reader through the tangle of intellectual complexities — the five key influences on Luther's early theological development, the five core beliefs underlying the apparently endless variations of the so - called «radical reformation,» the four indicators of the religious dimension of early modern violence, and so on.

(If a considerable number of Psalms go back to the prophetic period or earlier, as some modern critics hold (in opposition to the view which prevailed thirty years ago), then there is additional support for the view that there was no such radical change from collective to individual conceptions at the Exile as has often been asserted.

There was general agreement that Whitehead's earlier books, up to and including Science and the Modern World of 1926, would be likely to be more fruitful for this purpose than the later Whitehead of Process and Reality.

In a similar manner, Ellul has shown earlier that we have preferred the wrong sort of revolution (Autopsy of Revolution, Changer de révolution), given ourselves to the wrong sort of prayer (Prayer and Modern Man), allowed the idolatrous city to dominate our affections (The Meaning of the City), and substituted facile belief for vital faith (Living Faith).

The resistance that arises within the congregation to this definition of its reason for being will be the modern clergyperson's equivalent of the persecution that arose within Judaism to the ministries of Jesus and the early church.

The modern study of the Bible can bring that history to life for us today and renew our zest in continuing the movement of whose origins and early history it tells us.

As for number 12... apart from all the modern day species that do nt appear earlier in the fossil record you mean.

«In traditional thought and literature, there has been virtually no interest in foreign countries, societies, cultures or religions... India has not reached out for the west; it has not actively prepared the encounter and «dialogue» with Christian - European, or any other foreign countries» (Halbfass, 1988: 195).2 This self - contented and self - contained trend however underwent change in the early nineteenth century Three factors contributed to the new posture of «modern» Hinduism.

If the first century notions of a maternal spirit and an androgynous Jesus were indeed early teachings that the developing church subsequently rejected (for whatever reasons), then a «balanced out» theology of the Christian godhead, informed by psychological insights, has both «modern» relevance and «ancient» precedent.

The revised model of reality I am proposing for scientific use resembles the one that modern science rejected at an early date.