Sentences with phrase «for liberal democracy»

«Even a moment's hesitation in writing or communication is poison for a liberal democracy,» Sophia Cope, a staff attorney with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, told the E-Commerce Times.

We thus stand in solidarity with the new students» group, SEALDs (the Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy - s) in opposing the bills.

Sir Menzies has an «absolutely clear, unqualified, principled voice for liberal democracy», he added.

Unless we learn from 2016 we will, I fear, come to see it as one of the better recent years for liberal democracy.

The events transpiring in the Philippines and Indonesia, while different in many regards, highlight a similar challenge for prospects for liberal democracy in Southeast Asia.

Some suggested that his call for a renewed moral basis for liberal democracy had authoritarian implications.

So what Gerecht seems to be talking himself towards is the idea that now that the coup has occurred the slender opportunity for liberal democracy to take root and grow in Egypt, and perhaps even in the entire Islamic world, given the now - evident failure of the Ataturk project in Turkey, has passed.

As part of the 2017 Audit of UK Democracy, Sonali Campion, Sean Kippin and the DA team examine how the UK's deeply controversial current second chamber, the House of Lords, matches up to the criteria for liberal democracies with bi-cameral legislatures.

The book concludes by proposing to establish a new browser for liberal democracies called CleaNet ©.

Not exact matches

But it is no doubt important for China's leadership to be seen shaking hands with leaders of respected liberal democracies.

The Liberals, NDP and Bloc argued somewhat persuasively that the Conservatives were in contempt of Parliament over their disdain for democracy, openness and accountability.

The Public Policy Forum's report on the future of journalism and democracy was designed to convince the Liberal government to enact a number of changes to help Canada's media industry, including amending the Income Tax Act and the Copyright Act to provide new streams of revenue for the media.

I plan to continue to push the B.C. Liberal government through this fall sitting of the legislature to finally stand up for good democracy and make the shift necessary to put individual citizens at the centre of our democracy.

For Owen, a liberal democracy needs such figures to avoid the soft tyranny of a consumerist and bureaucratic state inured to higher justice.

In refusing to impose the details of justice from afar the liberal political cultures would not be abandoning principles, for «self - determination» in the political sense is not just a principle of modern democracy.

To the extent that full - blooded socialism is returning to compete with liberal democracy for the allegiance of modern persons, it does so in populist garb — and in the future, its....

He traces our unease to the father of liberal democracy, John Locke, and to his claim that what nature provides for us is «virtually worthless,» becoming valuable only when mixed with our labor.

It is now almost universally admitted in liberal democracies that discrimination according to extraneous categories like skin color is morally wrong, and for that reason in most democracies it is also illegal.

The judge could find no support for the position of Ms Ladele in a «modern liberal democracy».

Brian C. Anderson has it right that capitalism is part of our moral problem but, like Francis Fukuyama, follows up a discouraging diagnosis of modern liberal democracy with an optimistic remedy for its potentially fatal diseases.

That this is the case should be gratifying to the Western liberal democracies who, for half a century, stood firm against the manifold onslaughts of those who sought to snuff out the flame of liberty.

Orwin says what ends up happening for traditional religious believers in a liberal democracy is they have to settle for a watered down version of their practice e.g. Catholic Lite, Jewish Lite etc..

It is represented in our day by liberal arts colleges, the Masons, Rotary, life insurance, Religion in American Life, the Anti-Defamation League, the League of Women Voters, Reader's Digest, the Jaycees, the Pro-Choice Movement, Robert Schuller, the WCTU, Common Cause, savings banks, the Moral Majority, William Buckley, the Institute for Religion and Democracy - and many preachers of the mainline denominations.

This breadth of scope is the basis for a program of liberal studies in a pluralistic democracy in which all the citizens are expected to participate.

Consider, for example, the implications of our belief in the political and moral superiority of liberal democracy.

Orwin goes on to say that Liberal Democracy doesn't work like that in practice because it actually assumes a particular conception of the good: «For so long as you observe prevailing liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.Liberal Democracy doesn't work like that in practice because it actually assumes a particular conception of the good: «For so long as you observe prevailing liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.»

Soviet spies were of the left generally, they supported liberal causes, they defended the Soviet Union in all circumstances, they were often secret members of the Communist Party, they were uniformly suspicious of American initiatives throughout the world, they could be contemptuous of American democracy, society, and culture, and, above all, their offenses were often minimized or explained away by apologists who felt that no man should be called traitor who did what he did for the cause of humanity.

The government of a liberal democracy is like every other government in that it coerces its citizens in all kinds of ways for the common good — the dominant form of this coercion being taxation.

I think it is appropriate in our liberal democracy for Christians, along with adherents of other religions, to make decisions about political issues on the basis of whatever considerations they find true and relevant.

The reason liberal democracy may be appropriate for our civil society is that as a pluralistic society, we have little hope of reaching complete agreement concerning the human good and the proper way to pursue happiness.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Americans thought the world stage had been cleared for our benevolent power to lift others to the broad, sunlit uplands of liberal democracy and free - market prosperity.

As for hunger and suffering, America's health outcomes are worse than those of liberal, secular democracies.

His early job at the Dutch social insurance agency propelled him into politics, where he worked as a speechwriter for the conservative - liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD).

Reading the diaries of Dietrich von Hildebrand from the late 1920s and early 1930s, I was powerfully struck by how the disdain of continental European Christian intellectuals for the messy pluralism of liberal democracy made too many of those thinkers vulnerable to the siren songs of the monism proposed by German National Socialism and Italian fascism.

But if endowments are conceived solely as instruments, rather than equal partners with the state in pursuit of the public good, then the classic principle of private association in liberal democracies has been lost, for instrumentality implies that government alone is the public good's ultimate arbiter.

The form of argument in this presentation has emphasized several specific points: first, that the Asian values argument, as a challenge to the implementation of constitutional democracy, is exaggerated and fails to account for the richness of values discourse in the East Asian region - local values do not provide a justification for harsh authoritarian practices; second, that the cultural prerequisites arguments fail because they ignore the discursive processes for value development and they are tautological, excessively deterministic and ignore the importance of human agency it, therefore, makes little sense to take an entry test for constitutional democracy; third, the difficulties of importing Western communitarian ideas into an East Asian authoritarian environment without adequate liberal constitutional safeguards; fourth, the positive role of constitutionalism in constructing empowering conversations in modern democratic development and as a venue for values discourse; fifth, the importance, especially in a cross-cultural context, of indigenization of constitutionalism through local institutional embodiment; and sixth, the value of extending research focused on the positive engendering or enabling function of constitutionalism to the developmental context in general and East Asia in particular.

Perhaps fascism represents a permanent temptation of modern politics, the seduction to leave behind the ambiguities and trade «offs of prosaic liberal democracy for a true (and truly destructive) «politics of meaning.»

@Philipp - politically - out of all Western democracies (liberal democracies), how can they afford to spend so much for the military?

The commercial and artistic elite in Yangon and Mandalay often want something like a Thai - style liberal democracy which retains a central places for Theravada Buddhism and perhaps for the Tatmadaw as well.

Rather than insisting that the current form of Western - type liberal democracy is the ultimate form of governance for all societies, we need to envisage other governance models that go one step beyond freedom and incorporate and uphold human dignity needs.

Guaranteeing dignity for all, at all times and under all circumstances, is inclusive of all democratic principles in the first place, while simultaneously addressing inequality, something most liberal democracies tackle insufficiently.

However, its form of governance has clearly provided a quality of life surpassing that of many liberal democracies and an environment where citizens enjoy conditions for a dignified life.

In the climate of reinvigorated faith in the virtues of liberal democracy post-1989, freedom and democracy were two common buzzwords that indeed seem to carry a strong promise for the future.

If we take dignity as a standard for good governance, it exposes the numerous inadvertencies in liberal democracies.

There has always been a group for whom the promise of liberal democracy has meant very little — and that group is getting bigger.

Consider two criteria for priority for a Labour blogger: (1) the degree of importance of an issue to the basic functioning of a liberal democracy; (2) areas where the party / government has things very wrong.

While Western - type liberal democracies remain one of the most effective and tested forms of government in history, what is needed, globally, is not necessarily a transition to liberal democracy but rather a more careful consideration of the fundamental human quest for dignity, which often bears interpretations that are «endogenous» and adapted to various socio - cultural settings.

Liberal Republicans (Centre Republicans): Alan Milburn, Anthony Giddens (to a large extent), Richard Reeves, Philip Collins Democratic Republicans (Left Republicans): Gordon Brown, Ed Balls, Ed Miliband, Jim Knight, The Co-operative Party, Scientists for Labour, James Purnell has flirted with Liberal Republicanism, but may well have shifted to Democratic republicanism, as he proved in his resignation letter in the Times, calling for a more open democracy, a more active state and greater regulation.

Sponsors included: Barack Obama Democratic Club of Upper Manhattan; Chelsea Reform Democratic Club; Coalition for a District Alternative (CoDA), Democracy for New York; Downtown Independent Democrats; East Side Democratic Club; Eleanor Roosevelt Democratic Club; Frederick E. Samuel Community Democratic Club; Gramercy Stuyvesant Democratics; Greater NYC for Change; Jim Owles Liberal Democratic Club; Lenox Hill Democratic Club; The Lexington Democratic Club; Lower East Side Democratic Club; Manhattan Young Democrats; Muslim Democratic Club of New York; Northern Manhattan Democrats for Change; Pride Democrats; The Samuel J. Tilden Democratic Club; Stonewall Democratic Club; Upper East Side for Change; Village Independent Democrats; The Village Reform Democratic Club and 504 Democratic Club.

He added: «I am confident the powers we need, whether it is on communications data or the content of communications, I am very comfortable they are absolutely right for a modern liberal democracy.»