For the Nation of Islam — as
for the liberation theologians — the political is religious.
For liberation theologians, speaking out on behalf of the disempowered is Christ - like.
It may be even more difficult
for liberation theologians to admit that there are values in the perspective of the oppressor when they see so clearly the marks of interest in the structures of society the oppressor has organized and in the ideology by which these are justified.
Not exact matches
«Although they [
liberation theologians] talked about the option
for the poor, the poor ultimately opted
for Pentecostalism,» Ramirez says.
As such, Walker's central challenge to process thought becomes his own theological struggle
for coherence in a metaphysical scheme that denies what he affirms as fundamental to a black
liberation theologian, i.e., that the most inclusive concept of God is the God of the oppressed.
Liberation theology «is obliged» to provide African American
theologians with the guidelines
for theological construction.
Similarly, the quite different issues raised by feminists properly have a priority
for us that they do not yet have
for most
liberation theologians.
The question now is whether there is any point of contact on the side of
liberation theology
for the concerns of process
theologians in areas to which
liberation theologians have paid less attention.
I see no problem
for one whose social location is close to the poor to be a
liberation theologian who appropriates the basic categories of process thought.
There is little doubt that the concern
for cultures and religions expresses the middle class social location of most process
theologians, whereas the focus on political and economic issues and the concomitant demand
for justice express the identification with the poor that is the glory of
liberation theology.
A third reason
for selecting political theology rather than
liberation theology
for discussion in this book is that other process
theologians have begun the dialogue with
liberation theology, and I am confident that this will continue.
This is at odds with the teaching of
liberation theology, where you had black
theologians like Dr. James Cone who wrote that the gospel is essentially
for the oppressed and not the oppressor.
This failure can be illustrated with the same example,
for although Marxists on the whole have been less sexist in their attitudes than have psychoanalysts, they appear only a little less deficient when viewed in the light of contemporary feminist consciousness.37 Or, again, use of Marxist sociology by Latin American
theologians of
liberation has done little to free them from implicit anti-Judaism in their theological formulations.
As expected, scholar and activist Monica Coleman responded to your questions
for «Ask a
Liberation Theologian» with insight and grace.
For female theologians from Africa, Asia and Latin America, Jesus, besides identifying with the poor, is a model of true humanity who can inspire others to struggle for liberati
For female
theologians from Africa, Asia and Latin America, Jesus, besides identifying with the poor, is a model of true humanity who can inspire others to struggle
for liberati
for liberation.
In contrast, traditional Catholic churches serve vast numbers of people who have little or nothing in common, and they are often impersonal «supermarkets
for the sacraments,» as some
liberation theologians call them.
Through a series of brief questions at the end of his book, Sigmund invites
liberation theologians to seek ways of fusing capitalist market «efficiency» with the «preferential love
for the poor,» to consider how private property is not always oppression but may in fact free people from it, to develop liberalism's ideal of «equal treatment under the law,» to nurture the «fragile new democracies» in Latin America, and, finally, to develop «a spirituality of socially concerned democracy, whether capitalist or socialist in its economic form,» rather than «denouncing dependency, imperialism, and capitalist exploitation.»
The impact of such groups should be understood as a significant sign of the times
for the new generation of Latin American
liberation theologians.
Robert McAfee Brown, whose name is symbolic
for engaged
theologian and ethicist, is perhaps best known
for being able to write clearly,
for example, in Theology in a New Key: Responding to
Liberation Theology and Saying Yes and Saying No: On Rendering to God and Caesar.
Sigmund, who is strongly critical of liberationists» rejections of capitalism, also takes Novak to task
for trusting to «the magic of the market» and
for being «no more willing to engage in criticism of capitalism than
liberation theologians are of socialism.»
Seen against the background of McGovern's book, however, Sigmund's invitation to
liberation theologians to make an either - or choice between «revolution or democracy» seems too simple, and in the long run it obscures the kind of fundamental freedoms
for which Latin America still awaits.
As a result, he argues,
theologians feel themselves free to use the Bible
for whatever purpose they wish, from the
liberation of women to the church - growth movement, without regard
for its supposedly irrecoverable original intent.
Meanwhile,
liberation theologians have protested that postliberal theology is more concerned with Christian catechesis, formation and liturgy than with the struggle
for social justice.
In this regard,
liberation theologians have understood Jesus well,
for they experienced the setting of his sayings as they themselves lived among the poor and oppressed of South America.
But, as Ogden notes with respect to
liberation theologians, they «focus on the existential meaning of God
for us without dealing at all adequately with the metaphysical being of God in himself».22 To reject the conceptual task of theology reflects an inadequate understanding of how faith functions.
Liberation theologians want to make sure that Christian faith will not be used as ideological support
for selfish interests and repressive situations.
But most male white North American process
theologians will not become
liberation theologians for the same reason that the German
theologians are not
liberation theologians.
Ratzinger's position in the Curia makes it clear that he is not simply speaking
for himself, but in the name of the Vatican, which has been carrying on an undercover investigation of
liberation theologians.
Hence
liberation theologians should take seriously the metaphysical framework
for a praxis - oriented theology implicitly offered to them by process theology.
Ogden, Cobb, and Griffin all at least implicitly criticize many of the «
liberation theologians»
for failing to do this (FF 34, PTT 95).
If
liberation theologians, in solidarity with the victims of modernity, have no illusions about modernity's quest
for «pure reason,» we are just as disillusioned about the quest
for «pure religion» in classical sacralisms.
It was appropriate, then,
for early 20th - century Social Gospel
theologians like Walter Rauschenbusch to observe how prejudice and social discrimination are passed from one generation to the next, and it is consistent
for theologians today to incorporate observations about social inheritance — what
liberation theologians and feminist
theologians call «social location» or «systemic evil» — into our understanding of the human condition.
Recognizing the need
for liberation from inward and outward sources of oppression, it also proposes a liberating vision free from the suffocating constraints of the mechanistic, deterministic, substantialist view of reality, it is all the more remarkable in having been written by two professional
theologians, although one of them, to be sure, is a professional biologist.
For Christian
theologians, the importance of class analysis has been kept alive through the work of Latin American
liberation theologians.
But my claim about the importance of race
for theology in America does not depend on one being a black
liberation theologian.
Lacking a fertile ideological soil on which to stake a claim — even in respect to the once fashionable ideology of
liberation for the blacks, the poor, the Third World — the
theologian purports to turn his back on all ideologies and reclaim «raw» consciousness, which supposedly is free of any group or material biases.
Many
liberation theologians and democratic socialists damn King with faint praise as they continue to pursue those goals
for which he gave his life: peace, the empowerment of the poor and the Third World, and the elimination of racism.
«Yet,» she says, «the Latin American
liberation theologians have not harshly criticized the Vatican
for its stand on birth control and the status of women in the church.
I think James Cone is right when he says: «
Theologians of the Christian Church have not interpreted Christian ethics as an act
for the
liberation of the oppressed because their views of divine revelation were defined by philosophy and other cultural values rather than by the biblical theme of God as the liberator of the oppressed.»
For Ronaldo Muñoz, a Chilean priest and
liberation theologian, this is a «reverse schema» from traditional views of Christ, which «project (the) celestial personage (of God the Father) upon our image of Christ.»
The willful blindness of the
liberation theologians, their unwillingness to search in the world of social theory beyond the lucubrations of socialism, has had very high costs
for the poor during these past twenty years.
For two decades, liberation theologians blamed Latin American misery on «capitalist methods» such as markets, private property, and profits, and they looked for economic salvation by way of a «socialist» strategy of «basic needs.&raq
For two decades,
liberation theologians blamed Latin American misery on «capitalist methods» such as markets, private property, and profits, and they looked
for economic salvation by way of a «socialist» strategy of «basic needs.&raq
for economic salvation by way of a «socialist» strategy of «basic needs.»
And meanwhile some wreckers were around, creating havoc with people's faith —
liberation theologians owing more to Marx than to the Gospel of Christ, crusaders
for contraception who railed against Humanae Vitae and denounced the gentle Paul VI with a savagery that caused that good, wise and courageous man real sufering.
In 1978 he wrote about Christ Without Myth: «The newer theological developments of the past decade, especially the emergence of the various
theologians of
liberation, compelled the conclusion that the most urgent theological problem today, at any rate
for the vast number of persons who still do not share in the benefits of modernity, is a problem more of action and justice than of belief and truth.
Liberation theologians, to be sure, have seen this
for some time.
To reckon with Barth, then, is to encounter one whose theology later inspired
liberation theologians in Latin America and antiapartheid
theologians in South Africa — a
theologian who felt that what you pray
for, you must also work
for.
In the light of this call
for commitment, the reticence of the German political
theologians, who share so much with
liberation theologians, is striking.
To reckon with Barth is to encounter one whose theology later inspired
liberation theologians in Latin America and antiapartheid
theologians in South Africa — a
theologian who felt that what you pray
for, you must also work
for.
Liberation theologians who want to appreciate the truly radical ways of Jesus might ponder these words of Hans Küng, who writes in On Being a Christian that Jesus» revolutionary method means «love of enemies instead of their destruction; unconditional forgiveness instead of retaliation; readiness to suffer instead of using force; blessing
for peacemakers instead of hymns of hate and revenge» (p. 191)
For seventeen years Tony Clarke, an Anglican, directed the Social Affairs department of the Canadian bishops conference, working in tandem with
liberation theologian Gregory Baum.