Prateek Buch is on the Executive
for the Social Liberal Forum -LSB-...]
The Radical Reform Group was a pressure group inside the Liberal Party, set up in 1952 to campaign
for social liberal and Keynesian economic approaches.
Nominations are now open
for the Social Liberal Forum Council Elections, which will be held over the next couple of months.
As a member of the Social Liberal Forum Council and Executive, he published the SLF's acclaimed economic platform, Plan C, and has argued
for social liberal approaches to a sustainable economy by serving on two Liberal Democrat policy working groups (Inequality, and Sources of Sustainable Jobs and Prosperity).
Partick Burgh Halls in Glasgow was the venue
for the Social Liberal Forum's first Scottish Conference last weekend.
I am glad to find this site as it is a home
for my social liberal views as opposed to Lib Dem Voice and its nepotism and willing to back Clegg at all costs.
Given his increasing profile and popularity within the party due to his role as the manifesto chair, he was seen as a probable candidate
for the social liberal grouping's vote in the future leadership election.
Not exact matches
«I am very committed to making sure that Facebook is a platform
for all ideas,» he said after Mr. Cruz ticked off several examples of potential
liberal bias on the
social network.
Canada is a country without a national
social safety net: the
Liberals removed it in 1995, in the same budget where they ended support
for social rental housing.
Nevermind that B.C.'s Minister of Natural Gas Development, Rich Coleman, who was responsible
for reviewing the environmental and
social impacts of Woodfibre LNG, also has a mandate to develop an LNG export industry — and he's one of the BC
Liberals» largest fundraisers.
«Instead of helping some of the most disadvantaged children in our communities, Christy Clark and the B.C.
Liberals spent $ 182 million on a computer mess,» said Michelle Mungall, New Democrat spokesperson
for social development.
«If it wasn't
for families stepping forward to share their struggles publicly, the
Liberal government would have continued taking child support money that rightfully belonged to kids,» said Michelle Mungall, New Democrat spokesperson
for social development.
St. Albert: Despite initial problems finding a candidate,
social worker Kim Bugeaud has been chosen to run
for the
Liberals in St. Albert.
Meanwhile, business
Liberals, perhaps including Minister of Finance Bill Morneau, will likely be pushing
for less
social spending than promised in the platform in order to balance the books on the original schedule.
The recent federal election featured something of a debate on fiscal policy, with the
Liberals promising to run modest deficits
for three years in order to stimulate a sagging economy and finance needed long - term investments in infrastructure and
social programs.
However, the
Liberal platform also envisaged temporary deficits to finance higher spending on
social programs such as child benefits, a higher Guaranteed Income Supplement
for single seniors, public health care, child care and First Nations programs, and did not increase overall federal tax revenues.
The
Liberals have been pushing their right - wing agenda
for the past twelve years: privatizing and contracting out, slashing corporate taxes so they're now the lowest in Canada, dismantling the
social safety net and environmental standards regulations in BC, and attacking public sector workers.
Progressives will be expecting the government to deliver on its ambitious
social agenda, and will note that this could be easily funded on the revenue side by implementing a modest corporate tax increase, by scaling back the so - called middle class tax cut, and by setting more ambitious targets
for the promised
Liberal review of tax loopholes
for the most affluent.
Far from being a simple matter of what the «neutral
liberal state should do in public matters,» then, public law is
for Sullivan the crucial tool of
social transformation.
I'm genuinely curious to know of surveys saying that young people are leaving
liberal denominations because they aren't interested in
social justice, the findings of modern science, and creating a welcoming environment
for LGBT people.
I joined a socially
liberal Catholic parish that focusses on
social justice activities and prayer
for self - searching.
In the name of being politically responsible in, to, and
for liberal social orders, the politics of Christian discourse was relegated to the private realm.
That doesn't sound in any way noteworthy, except
for the fact that these figures are solidly
liberal about
social matters.
The triumph of conservatives in the Southern Baptist Convention should not obscure the fact that a sizable number of Southern Baptists share classic
liberal concerns
for women's rights, racial and
social justice and international peace, not to mention the viability of historical - critical method.
If millennials are only looking
for alignment between their
social views and the church, why is membership falling in
liberal churches as well?
For liberal Christians, such victories embody the justice of the
social gospel, the idea that believers should do God's work — even aid the Second Coming - by improving society.
Many
liberal / progressive / emergent types claim to focus on broken
social structures, but are woefully unprepared
for the task.
Both
liberals and conservative Christians cite Niebuhr -
liberals for his emphasis on
social justice and conservatives
for his willingness to use force to oppose evil.
Faced with these plans to pursue
liberal globalisation, which does not concern the people at all, we must independently develop our own proposals
for alternatives, based on
social struggle which only the victims of the system can lead.
This dual focus on reason and ethics similarly explains the close attention religious
liberals have paid to the sciences — physics as a source
for better cosmologies, and the biological and
social sciences as a source
for both ethics and philosophies of history.
As
for the survival of the fittest, contemporary
liberals have attempted to separate Darwin from
Social Darwinism, but Darwin's own words advocating severe struggle show us quite clearly that he was the first
Social Darwinist.
This overall agenda would not differ from those of most
liberal Protestant or Jewish groups — except in the high level of consensus, and in the fact that the most important religious goal
for UUs is «a community
for shared values» (rather than theology or personal growth or
social change or experiences of transcendence).
Even if we can not pray
for some of these goals with much affirmation — even if we find ourselves praying
for the salvation of
liberals before Christ returns, or the redirection of evangelical
social concern to its proper sphere of evangelism and world mission, or the disappearance of the electronic church — God will answer our prayers, with corrections if necessary, and will either change our minds or the minds of those
for whom we are praying.
The real issue
for the health of
liberal institutions, it seems to me, is not philosophical foundations, but
social and cultural foundations.
At a
social event in Washington, Steinfels reports, a woman with an impressive reputation
for supporting
liberal and humanitarian causes was singing the praises of her daughter - in - law.
Doesn't it seem like christians whether conservative or
liberal scape goat
social issues like abortions, gay marriage or contraceptives
for really fiscal issues instead?
The bad reasoning behind this thesis, which combines guilt by association with the logical fallacy of post hoc ergo propter hoc (the ecumenical movement became «
liberal» because it was concerned
for church union and
social demonstration of the gospel), is part of the theological DDT in evangelical soil which inhibits the growth and maturing of the present awakening.
In other contexts, such as that of
social action, we may want
liberals to be more assertive about convictions that divide them from others; to be willing,
for example, to call a
social policy unchristian that they think is unchristian.
One appropriate response
for the religious
liberal, as
for the
social scientist, is to inquire very closely just what sort of past we are being asked to return to.
Nowhere have the weak
social foundations of American
liberal institutions been more evident than in the battered and tattered nature of the welfare state, and in the cynicism with which it is viewed by nearly the entire populace — from the wealthy to the poor,
for different reasons.
He attended
liberal Protestant seminaries where he learned about the
Social Gospel's concern
for the entire person, soul and body.
Much else — in the realms,
for example, of piety, of doctrine and of
social zeal — can be seen as vital to the revivification of a distinctive
liberal witness.
Along with Anthony Appiah and other current writers about the university, she acknowledges the intrinsic value of study (her most recent book on the topic is titled Not
for Profit), while ultimately defending the value of
liberal arts as essential
for social and political progress.
In what senses, exactly, are the no - longer - tiny Evangelicals
for Social Action unmentionable in relation to «
liberal Protestantism»?
Conservatives, despite their substantive disagreements about the ultimate nature of things, have resisted
liberal and radical calls
for «transparency» in
social life precisely because they understand that society can not withstand a too systematic or energetic analysis of its sometimes fragile foundations.
However, it is still disheartening to see a conservative commentator spout tired
liberal talking points about how generous
social programs are an effective strategy
for reducing the abortion rate.
By implication, however, if it could be shown that the fetus is a separate life from that of its mother (
for example, having its own genetic code from the time of conception), then even by
liberal criteria there would be a crime with a real victim, hence prohibited by the
social contract with its minimal requirement of protection of innocent persons.
However, the Thai government has hardly implemented any
social policy towards rural and hilltribe people
for equitable distribution of the wealth accumulated by its quite
liberal economic development policy.
This dynamic allows
for social liberalism to take the offensive, while allowing socially
liberal candidates to seem like reasonable people who only bring up
social issues when they are forced to do so.
And I was — and I continue to be — deeply grateful
for the
social witness of
liberal Protestantism during those days.