Sentences with phrase «for the desegregation of»

Hawkins called for desegregation of the school district and consolidation with neighboring suburban school districts.

In the highly successful movie «The Great Debaters,» starring Denzel Washington, a student was defending her argument for the desegregation of schools.

«My intense desire to see my school excel comes not only from an unwavering belief that all students deserve an excellent education, but also the unique role Sousa played in the civil rights movement,» said Kamras referring to a challenge to segregation at Sousa that culminated in Bolling v. Sharpe, the 1954 Supreme Court case that paved the way for the desegregation of all DC public schools.

After the 1954 Supreme Court decision, Brown v. Board of Education, called for the desegregation of schools in the United States, districts worked to begin integration, but many areas, like Little Rock, Arkansas, remained resistant.

This federal program was established in the 1960s to assist local education agencies in creating and implementing plans for the desegregation of public schools.

Not exact matches

Titles include Edwidge Danticat's Mama's Nightingale: A Story of Immigration and Separation, and Duncan Tonatiuh's Separate Is Never Equal: Sylvia Mendez & Her Family's Fight for Desegregation.

In a tour de force that will likely be debated for decades to come, Souter focused on two cases: the Brown v. Board of Education desegregation case of 1954, and the New York Times Co. v. United States Pentagon Papers case of 1971.

The school desegregation story illustrates the general principle that to the degree that control of education is not exercised with a sense of responsibility for justice, Federal control will be introduced.

In fact, social conservatives in the USA, led by Christian conservatives, have fought or disagreed with religious diversity, religious equality, abolition of slavery, Suffrage, desegregation, integrating the armed forces, Brown v Board of Education, mixed race marriages, respect and equality for Jews (not in MY country club!)

This is why I believe it's so important to study both historical religious arguments supporting the abolition of slavery and historical religious arguments opposing the abolition of slavery (see my post on Mark Noll's The Civil War as a Theological Crisis» for a sampling), as well as historical religious arguments supporting desegregation and historical religious arguments opposing desegregation — not because I believe both sides are equal, but because the patterns of argumentation that emerge are so unnervingly familiar:

Football was a backdrop for the desegregation battles of the 1960s, from the fight over James Meredith's enrollment at Ole Miss in 1962 to the integration of Alabama's football team (and Arkansas», and Texas») a few years later.

I'm only just starting this one, but I can already see that it's more social - history - driven than Free for All, including some fascinating insights on how such seemingly far - flung issues as race, desegregation and gender have played into the development of the current school lunch program.

For example, Dwight Eisenhower sent military troops to Little Rock, Arkansas to enforce Brown v. Board of Education, which was a legal decision mandating desegregation nationally (although it was determined based on conditions in Topeka, Kansas).

Hawkins» platform includes tax reform that would create a city income tax, anti-poverty initiatives, state - supported worker co-ops for poor and working - class people, public ownership of utilities and desegregation of schools and housing.

He's also in favor of free tuition to CUNY colleges for low - and middle - income students, smaller class sizes in the city's public schools, and desegregation of the school system, which he noted is the «third most segregated in the nation.»

Also at 12:45 p.m., Coalition of Westchester organizations hold a press conference and rally calling on the court to enforce a 2009 desegregation order ahead of a hearing this afternoon on remedies to hold the county accountable for allegedly breaching its 2009 Consent Decree with HUD, steps of U.S. District Court, 500 Pearl St., Manhattan.

The statement compared the current push for police reform to the desegregation movement of the 1960s.

His father, who had studied chemistry but switched to law after World War II, helped draft guidelines for school desegregation in the 1960s that were adopted by the federal government in its enforcement of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Residents started leaving the historically white, blue - collar Belmont neighborhood in the 1970s with Dayton's adoption of busing for desegregation.

When he showed that white flight to suburbia accelerated in the wake of central - city desegregation, the president of the American Sociological Association called for his censure or expulsion from the association for spreading «flammable propaganda.»

Although some research finds that such benefits exist, the available data have not permitted researchers to confirm the causal effects of desegregation on nonacademic benefits for the same reasons that it is difficult to produce convincing findings on academic benefits: the nonrandom sorting of students among school environments and the real possibility that forced busing may produce effects very different from those of living in a racially or socioeconomically mixed community.

The study, «Resegregation and Equity in Oklahoma City,» authored by Jennifer Jellison of the Harvard Project on School Desegregation, examined the assumptions underlying the Supreme Court's 1991 Oklahoma City - based Dowell decision, a landmark decision that for the first time sanctioned a return to segregated schooling by stating that districts may be released from a desegregation order if they had met certaiDesegregation, examined the assumptions underlying the Supreme Court's 1991 Oklahoma City - based Dowell decision, a landmark decision that for the first time sanctioned a return to segregated schooling by stating that districts may be released from a desegregation order if they had met certaidesegregation order if they had met certain conditions.

SE: In his seminal 1972 study titled Inequality, the Harvard - based sociologist and statistician Christopher Jencks wrote, «The case for or against desegregation should not be argued in terms of academic achievement.

Evidence on the achievement effects of desegregation by income is limited by both an absence of detailed information on family income (including indicators for severe poverty or high income) and the difficulty in separating the effects of students» own circumstances from the influences of peers.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, acting in a case that has been closely monitored across the nation, has upheld a federal district judge's order freezing $ 47.5 - million in Education Department funds pending the Reagan Administration's payment of desegregation aid to Chicago's schools.

And in another case that has gained widespread attention, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit last week refused to delay implementation of a voluntary student - desegregation plan involving public schools in St. Louis and its suburbs.

EN: What are the nonacademic benefits of desegregation, particularly for poor and minority students?

In the focus groups we ran, people often discussed the downsides of desegregation — the biggest of which is lack of belongingness, especially for students of color who, in many desegregated schools, do not get welcomed in the same way, or get access to the same experience as white students.

The study, «Resegregation and Equity in Oklahoma City,» authored by Jennifer Jellison of the Harvard Project on School Desegregation, examined the assumptions underlying the Supreme Court's 1991 Oklahoma City - based Dowell decision, a landmark decision that for the first time...

The findings set the stage for furthering desegregation efforts — in particular, court - ordered busing of students in an attempt to increase the diversity of city schools.

Initially a tool for desegregation efforts in the 1970s (i.e., by encouraging white parents to stay in urban districts), magnets have evolved to serve a wide variety of purposes and settings.

Following a screening of the documentary, Teach Us All, members of the Little Rock Nine Minnijean Brown Trickey, visiting writer for Heritage Studies at Arkansas State University, and Terrence Roberts, principal of Terrence Roberts Consulting, will discuss their experiences during the desegregation at Central High in Arkansas.

Like a growing number of other school districts, Denver is coming to terms with the end of a court desegregation order that for years profoundly influenced, and often dictated, many of the decisions about education policy made there.

But in recent weeks, settlements in cases involving Bakersfield, Calif., and the Ohio cities of Lima and Cincinnati have once again directed attention to these specialty schools as they were originally conceived — as tools for desegregation.

Kansas City schools were already predominantly minority, and the Supreme Court had ruled in the Detroit case that surrounding school districts not found guilty of segregation could not be pulled into a case to provide more white students for desegregation.

In reviewing the available research on the effects of segregation on educational opportunities for black students, Rivkin concludes the effects of desegregation are most likely uneven and vary by program and context.

The sweeping anti-busing legislation — approved by the Senate as part of a bill providing funds for the Justice Department this year — not only forbids the Justice Department from bringing desegregation suits that could result in busing and limits the power of federal courts to order busing for such purposes, but allows Justice Department officials to support the removal of court - ordered busing plans already in operation.

It was notorious for many reasons: First, the court ordered enormous state and city expenditures, intending to attract white schoolchildren from the suburbs to the Kansas City schools so as to provide the minimum number of white children that proponents of desegregation considered necessary for a desegregated or «unitary» school.

But in a new article for Education Next, «Desegregation Since the Coleman Report: Racial composition of schools and student learning,» Steven Rivkin of the University of Illinois at Chicago identifies a key trend masquerading as resegregation: the decreasing enrollment share of white students due to the increasing ethnic diversity of public schools.

Numerous racial - desegregation cases, in which the goal of integration to remedy intentional discrimination is relatively clear, have lasted for decades.

As the potential for desegregation efforts is determined by the distribution of students among districts, I report the index for districts as well as for schools.

They have adopted a set of rules that make it very difficult even for communities that have had very successful desegregation to maintain it.

By controlling for a wide variety of other characteristics, including the students» own prior performance, our analysis is able to estimate the likely effect of desegregation within the school.

Researchers found that much of the progress for black students since the 1960s was eliminated during a decade which brought three Supreme Court decisions limiting desegregation remedies.

For an embargoed copy of «Desegregation Since the Coleman Report: Racial composition of schools and student learning» or to speak to the author, contact Jackie Kerstetter at [email protected].

Yet Coleman also noted that the composition of a student's peer group was more important for learning than any other school - related factor, a finding used by the Johnson and Nixon administrations to reinforce their strenuous desegregation efforts in southern states.

Strong chapters on school desegregation, bilingual education, education for the disabled, and school finance all support Davies's argument that «in the 1970s, reform often emanated from... within the federal bureaucracy, from the lower federal courts, and through the energetic efforts of congressional staffers, lobbyists, and public interest law firms.»

In his 5 1/2 years in Topeka, he has overseen the implementation of a court - ordered desegregation plan, the passage of two bond issues, and the creation of a strategic plan for the 14,000 - student district.

In the early 1970s, the federal courts ordered a number of states to pay school desegregation costs, but these rulings were limited in number and had little overall effect on state systems for school funding.

Through her involvement as a research assistant for the CRP — a position she started in 2005 when she was still a doctoral student at HGSE — Garces has served as counsel of record in three amicus curiae briefs for the Supreme Court, including the recent Fisher v. University of Texas, and previously on a case involving the constitutionality of K — 12 voluntary desegregation policies.