Sentences with phrase «from labour reform»

Not exact matches

We then use that to build out two additional scenarios: one assuming a doubling of the current minimum wage plus factoring in the cost of fire and building safety improvements based on data from the Worker Rights Consortium; and another using a «living wage» figure from the East Asia labour organization Asia Floor Wage, which is considered at the high end of labour reform demands.

They called for immediate steps to reopen banks and said any deal must address debt sustainability - code for reducing Athens» crushing debt - but gave no hint of concessions from the Greek side towards its creditors» demands for deep spending cuts and far - reaching reforms of pensions and labour markets.

Policies that spur more efficient corporate restructuring can revive productivity growth by targeting three inter-related sources of labour productivity weakness: the survival of «zombie» firms (low productivity firms that would typically exit in a competitive market), capital misallocation and stalling technological diffusion... As the zombie firm problem may partly stem from bank forbearance, complementary reforms to insolvency regimes are essential to ensure that a more aggressive policy to resolve non-performing loans is effective.

Uncertainty about labour market reforms, the adequacy of pension systems and future economic conditions may also be discouraging consumers from spending, especially in Germany where these issues have received much publicity.

Catherine West, Labour MP for Hornsey and Wood Green, has tabled an Early Day Motion (used by MPs to publicise a particular cause and to gain support in the Commons) calling on the government to remove vulnerable road users from the reforms.

«If we're to get a strong and balanced recovery which everyone benefits from we need Labour's plan to tackle the cost - of - living crisis and reform our economy for the long term,» he commented.

Neither the Conservatives nor Labour have shown any interest in reforming Britain's drug laws, although there are reports of a more sympathetic response from David Cameron in recent months.

Although speculating that the approaches from his main political rivals represented the «latest wheeze by Labour and the Tories to take the best of Lib Dem ideas and call them their own,» Mr Clegg said he was willing to work with other parties on constitutional reform.

Revelations about «embarrassing» strategems used by a lobbying firm have prompted further demands for reform from Labour.

However, I consider the claim made by many on the left that Labour's 2010 manifesto represents a mandate or commitment from Labour MPs for such reform to be rather optimistic.

Drawing upon evidence from the debates over healthcare reform in both the U.S. and the U.K., where Palin's propagation of the idea of death panels and Labour's insistence that Gove's reforms constituted privatisation «pure and simple» served only to confuse and scare the wider public, Thompson argued that misleading and emotive language is making political reform and compromise harder to achieve.

Aside from devolution, no constitutional reform agenda had majority Labour Party backing before the 1990s.

At a partisan level, also during the Thatcher era, the cause of constitutional reform was taken up by the SDP - Liberal Alliance made up of the Social Democratic Party, which had split off from the Labour Party in 1981, and the more established Liberal Party.

Labour should also introduce an amendment to the electoral reform referendum bill to change it from a referendum on AV to a referendum on STV.

Opposition is growing from the Labour backbenches towards proposals making claimants work for their benefits contained in the welfare reform bill.

But if there is a lesson to be learned from turning back to the insights of New Labour's road not taken, it is in seeing that economic reform and political reform are closely intertwined.

If the Co-operative Party were to disaffiliate from Labour and run on its own, I'd consider joining it immediately, and would definitely argue for an electoral pact until we reform the electoral system.

So much of what is being said on their side of the blogosphere, and Twitter, the howls of righteous indignation from people whose party took us to two bloody wars and failed to reform the system after 13 years in power, amounts to: «how dare you even speak to the Tories, they are evil, you are evil, Labour will crush you LOLZ».

The most significant reform for New Labour was Blair's removal of Clause IV from the Party Constitution.

Even if Cameron wins the referendum following a negotiation that brings little immediate practical change there will be calls for more reforms from those that lost and perhaps from a Labour leadership that campaigned reluctantly to stay in.

Now, either Labour has a huge amount to fear from forthcoming boundary changes (and much - needed reform of the corrupt postal voting system), or Cameron is an electoral genius.

From the Lib Dem point of view, though, the real barriers to reform on this particular issue are about Labour and the Tories united together.

The Labour leader is set to press on with his bold attempt at reforming the relationship between his party and the unions, despite intense opposition from those gathered at the TUC's annual conference in Bournemouth.

Trade unions from across the public sector are warning Labour that there is «widespread anger and resentment» over proposed reforms to the public sector pension schemes.

«There was a strong consensus from the Meeting that it would be better to take some of the heat out of this public debate; this would entail taking forward a calmer internal party review of funding which would be more comprehensive and balanced (including importantly, addressing the Conservative multi-million pound donations at and between elections) and putting that forward as part of Labour's manifesto offer for party funding reforms.»

Labour have sought to prevent the public from focusing on this by suggesting that the Conservative commitment to reform had weakened.

But for party finance reform more generally, the asymmetric effects of these changes are such that a future Labour or Labour - led government may exact some form of «revenge», either though excessively partisan measures or through a root and branch reform of party finance regardless of any opposition from the Conservative Party.

Quite apart from the fact that proportional representation is * fair *, and therefore a far better starting point for a Parliament that is responsive to the will of the people, the difference between Caroline and most Labour or Conservative MPs is that she is trying to ensure that a referendum on voting reform actually offers a meaningful choice.

Faced with entrenched opposition from Tory MPs coupled with Labour's refusal to back a crucial timetable for the House of Lords Reform Bill, Mr Clegg announced last month that the plans were being scrapped.

While support from Labour means the reforms will pass the Commons easily, the Lords may pose a greater threat.

In the past Labour has often relied on its MPs from outside England - most notably, its cohort of around 40 Scottish MPs - to help get its reforms through the Commons.

When the What's Left group of MPs rejected Labour Reform's proposal to defer decisions to allow proper consultation, Labour Reform issued a press release announcing their withdrawal from the What's Left group.

Outside from the different Labour cliques the bigger picture is that for the sake of our democracy the issue of party funding needs reforming.

Spending was tackled, the unions were contained, the City was unleashed, and a series of important supply - side reforms helped to deliver a long boom; and when the exhausted and fractious Tories were eventually chucked out in 1997, it was Labour that profited — politically — from those reforms.

To recap, the disastrous selection process for Labour's parliamentary candidate for Falkirk West, where allegations of malpractice triggered the resignation of Tom Watson MP as its election campaign coordinator — and which even now is subject to wildly differing versions of events — has kicked off a wholesale reform programme of everything from party funding to MP candidate selection and conference voting.

The 19 leading figures from groups such as Fabian Society, Compass, Policy Network and Progress expressed unease that Labour's leader may not secure a mandate for the kind of reforms they believe Britain needs.

This evening Ed Miliband will make speech mentioning Labour's great unmentionable, a policy area that has been mothballed since Tony Blair's departure from Number 10: public service reform.

But there are growing signs that Miliband has stepped back from plans to dilute the size of the union vote at party conference, and is instead focusing on a series of reforms designed to make local parties more dynamic, and open up the party to a wider group of Labour supporters.

When I read the email from Ed Miliband to all party members yesterday afternoon, I thought Left Futures should run a competition with a prize for the first person who could identify «Paul», the possibly mythical figure who it is said has joined the Labour Party because of the «reforms» now backed by Labour's national executive: I -LSB-...]

Danny Alexander, the shadow foreign secretary, said Labour was not happy with the status quo but believed from conversations with the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, that reform was possible without the threat of a referendum hanging over talks.

«Miliband says he would not want a Labour government to be deflected from its economic agenda by pursuing an in - out referendum in 2017, but Britain's economic interests are intricately bound up in the debate surrounding EU reform.

Impact stakeholder group: Greg Cook [Labour Party], Andrew Cooper [Populus Ltd / Conservative Party], Ruth Fox [Hansard Society], Katie Ghose [Electoral Reform Society], Peter Riddell [Institute for Government], Neil Serougi [ESRC / Freedom from Torture], Tom Smithard [Liberal Democrats]

There was somewhat predictable outrage from some parts of the left over the weekend, when Labour's unloved DWP shadow, Liam Byrne, announced a new approach to welfare reform including emphasis on contributions, a full employment strategy and giving councils the option to give those who work or contribute to their communities» priority on social housing lists.

«This is important work, but if David Cameron demands results from local authorities, whilst pulling the carpet from beneath them while reforms are being shelved, this could be a wasted opportunity to properly expand Labour's family intervention policies.»

Wright's defiant response — to quit Labour but refuse to quit as crime commissioner — means the focus could continue to be away from the fundamental need for reform, Starmer suggested.

And with that entirely predictable performance from either side, the prime minister went back to the business of government (quibbling over the semantics of benefit reform) and the Labour leader returned to the good work of opposition (donning a charming little tux with a maroon metallic sheen, dealing out the cards, and raking in the chips).

Reforming union links is the Labour leader's EU referendum moment - so he should learn from David Cameron's mistakes

Opponents to the coalition's bid to introduce more competition into the NHS had won a sweeping victory, but Labour's fight against the reforms appears to be far from over.

«The task for the Labour left now is to bring about reform, as part of a strategy of democratising Labour from top to bottom,» states the guide by David Osland.

In legislative terms, constitutional reform is necessary but very far from suffi cient to stem the decline in Labour support.