The minority party, with virtually no legislative power to block Trump Cabinet nominees as was illustrated this morning, is under pressure
from liberal voters to do whatever they possibly can to stop Trump's nominees from being approved.
Not exact matches
As Clinton gets closer to securing her party's nomination, Democratic
voters believe it is important that she throw a bone to her party's base; 52 percent of them said it is important for her to choose a
liberal as her running mate, and 41 percent said that it was important for that person to be
from outside of Washington, D.C.
From largest to smallest, these groups are the somewhat conservative, moderates and
liberals, conservative evangelicals, and economically very conservative secular
voters.
The primary
liberal them is to rob
from the haves and give to Democrat
voters.
It is personified by Dr Evan Harris, the
Liberal Democrat MP who lost his Oxford seat at the last election substantially because local church members drew
voters» attention to Dr Harris» ulterior motives on a variety of issues
from abortion to euthanasia.
On one hand, their districts are closely divided, and they need to display independence
from the
liberal House Democratic leadership in order to appeal to the centrist, swing
voters who will likely make the difference between winning and losing in the 2014 elections.
In my most recently published paper «Post-war
voters as fiscal
liberals: local elections, spending, and war trauma in contemporary Croatia», co-authored with Professor Josip Glaurdić
from the University of Luxemburg, we attempt to provide an answer to these questions in the context of a post-conflict society in which we examine how the impact of war affects citizens» preferences towards redistribution.
Labour made a net gain of just two
from the Conservatives, whilst the
Liberal Democrats collapsed in suburban England and their south - western heartlands as the centre - left vote fragmented and centre - right
voters moved over to the Tories.
This analysis confirms what we might have anticipated
from the evidence of the polls — local authorities appear to contain more Leave
voters if there was a large vote for UKIP there in the 2014 European elections, if there was a small vote for parties of the «left» (Labour,
Liberal Democrats, Scottish and Welsh Nationalists and Greens) on the same occasion, and in places with relatively low proportions of graduates, young people, and people
from an ethnic minority background.
Former Senate Majority Leader Joe Bruno deemed Giuliani «Judas» for turning his back on the party's nominee, little - known state Sen. George Pataki, who ended up defeating Mario Cuomo in what was widely attributed more to
voters» rejection of the
liberal incumbent than their desire to see a GOP legislator
from Peekskill in the executive mansion.
Not only did the
Liberal Democrats alienate left - leaning
voters by entering the coalition, but its leaders did as much as David Cameron and George Osborne to brand Labour as spendthrift and irresponsible — Nick Clegg by playing up the comparison between the UK and Greece, David Laws by brandishing the now - notorious note
from Liam Byrne.
«When we emerge victorious
from the primary, Ms. Gillibrand will be unable to hide
from her record as the Most
Liberal Senator in Washington and
voters will have a stark choice between a businessman who will address our nation's fiscal crisis and a politically - expedient politician.»
So it is unsurprising that UKIP support in the polls comes much more
from former Conservative
voters than
from Labour or the
Liberal Democrats.
The government is struggling to craft a motion that satisfies
Liberal Democrat MPs — who in many cases owe their seats to anti-Iraq-war defections
from Labour in 2005 — as well as little England Tory backbenchers who, nudged by Ukip's anti-intervention stance yesterday, fear that Nigel Farage speaks for their
voters better than Cameron does.
After their rout in the elections and referendum, the
Liberal Democrats now talk privately about «identity issues» where they diverge
from the Tories, to remind
voters they are a separate party, and «unity issues» on which they strongly support their Coalition partner.
It remains to be seen whether
voters (perhaps particularly parents and grandparents) will appreciate a fee reduction enough to entice them to vote Labour, or whether accusations of fiscal responsibility
from the Conservatives and
Liberal Democrats will prove more damaging.
Figures in the party had comforted themselves with the thought that the coverage surrounding Huhne's conviction would focus
voters» minds on expelling the
Liberal Democrats
from the seat.
An open letter was published by a group called #LibDems4Change urging fellow party members to elect a new leader «who will get a fair hearing
from voters about
Liberal Democrat achievements and ambitions for the future».
Much of their support is
from the Conservative heartlands, and even the vast majority of those workers who intend to vote for them have not defected
from Labour: only 17 % of UKIP
voters voted Labour in 2010 (the same amount who voted
Liberal - Democrat), compared with 45 % who voted for the Conservatives.
Barring a substantial shift in the last few days of campaigning — which seems unlikely given that 91 per cent of Labour
voters say they probably will not change their minds — we can expect a swing
from the
Liberal Democrats to Labour of around 8 per cent since the general election.
She also explained that while Nick Clegg took a risk with his reputation in participating in the debates, his initiative for the debates could be explained by the
Liberal Democrat's need to appeal to traditional
Liberal Democrat
voters, who tend to be more pro-European; and many of those
voters turned away
from the
Liberal Democrats when the party entered coalition in 2010.
There are doubts about the breadth of Corbyn's appeal given his cultural identity as a left - wing metropolitan
liberal representing the constituency of Islington North, allegedly «a world away»
from the concerns of most uncommitted Labour
voters.
Asked how he could possibly ask Labour
voters to vote for him when he spent most of the last week encouraging a Labour candidate to stand against him, Mr Davis replied: «I'm asking everybody and we've had support
from Tories, of course,
Liberal activists, people who say «I've voted Labour all my life» and - most interestingly of all - people who said I've never taken an interest in politics all my life but this has galvanised my interest.»
But ironically, keeping the WFP's ballot status, much less its spot at Row E, appears to be increasingly a concern for party leaders and activists as the governor pushes for
voters to back him on the Women's Equality Party line, which is increasingly being seen as a rival for
liberals» votes and potential siphon away support
from the WFP.
Labour's lead — usually in the double digits — has fallen to five per cent, but the movement comes
from voters returning to the Tories or confirming it made them more likely to vote, rather than any influx of
Liberal Democrat or Labour
voters.
The candidate the Democrats have is Pamela Mackesey, an extremely
liberal Democrat
from Ithaca, the ivory tower of the 53rd Senate District and one of the areas where the gerrymanderers were able to neutralize a cluster of heavily Democratic
voters.
US Hispanic
voters showed signs of staying away
from Obama due to his race - hence their support for Hilary Clinton in the Democrat contest - and
liberal social attitudes.
Reports of Conservative
voters jumping ship to join UKIP, follow previous defections including Winston Churchill, elected as a Conservative MP defecting to the
Liberal Party and back again, plus the SDP in 1981 mainly formed
from the Labour ranks.
Voters were turned away
from polling stations in Sheffield Hallam, where
Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg was standing.
De Blasio, buoyed by the city's most
liberal residents for his opposition to the NYPD's stop - and - frisk practices and
from a family - centric ad campaign, has 29 percent support among likely Democratic
voters, according to the poll conducted by Penn Schoen Berland.
In the tradition of Jacob Javits, Robert Wagner and Herbert Lehman — and in contrast to Charles Schumer, the Senate Democrats» de facto chief national electoral strategist, who has devoted much of his public - facing energy to aggressively nonideological battles for middle - class swing
voters — Kirsten Gillibrand is going to be the
liberal Senator
from New York.
And
voters should know that he is far
from the
liberal crusader some of his critics, then and now, hard - line ideologues themselves, make him out to be.
Today's Siena College poll, however, shows he didn't need to do that: He enjoys a 79 percent favorable rating
from liberals on top of a 60 percent overall favorable
from voters.
Stocker had some help
from the state teachers union, which dumped a ton of cash into an effort to paint Grisanti as too
liberal for Republican
voters.
Should Texas be thwarted
from its conservative path because Austin and San Antonio
voters are
liberal?
The pressure to speed things up will grow, not least
from Liberal Democrat ministers who need to be able to demonstrate tangible success on the environment to their
voters.
Conservatives assert such legislation prevents
voter fraud and keeps ineligible people
from participating, while
liberals maintain such legislation disenfranchises poor people, immigrants and minorities, who are less likely to possess a government I.D.
This is driven, of course, by the overwhelming support of young
voters, but also by white Catholics, who have grown more open - minded on gay rights as they have become more affluent and educated, and as their children return
from college with more
liberal attitudes.
The
voters» verdict was not as clear as it might have been, but one thing was for sure: they showed their desire for Labour to be ejected
from office by sacking the best part of 100 of their MPs (sending fewer
Liberal Democrats back to Westminster too).
Indeed, if sufficient
voters defect
from the Tories to the
Liberal Democrats, Labour could win the next election with the same share of the vote as in 1992.
Maybe closer to the election the
Liberal Democrats will benefit
from voters focusing more on the specific situation in their constituency, with tactical voting and incumbency effects kicking in.
With both Labour and Conservatives having far
from illustrious recent records on the economy the
voters showed their distaste by flirting with the nationalists and the
Liberals.
She was backed by about $ 500,000 in media and direct - mail spending by EMILY's List, while Schatz received about $ 400,000 in air and mail support
from the League of Conservation
Voters and
liberal groups like MoveOn.org.
This, he said, would offer his party a chance to escape
from the «
Liberal menace» and offer
voters an «an aspirational shop window» of what a majority Tory government would offer.
«Every day,
liberal Democratic candidates run farther and faster to the extreme left, and away
from the common - sense values
voters deserve and expect.
Meanwhile, Republicans face broader political headwinds that stem in part
from an unpopular GOP president who has galvanized
liberal voters in opposition.
He has to have support
from all sides of the Conservative party, but he also has to win over disaffected Labour and
Liberal voters to take those vital marginals.
It had seemed that the
Liberal Democrats recent approach of differentiation
from its dominant Conservative coalition partner on some policies, while sticking to the broad government austerity programme — reconciling the «unity / distinctiveness» dilemma — would reap some reward with
voters.
She describes herself as a fiscal conservative who is moderate - to -
liberal on social issues, she wins consistently in a city where Democrats dominate the
voter registration rolls, and for the past two election cycles, she's won endorsement
from municipal unions.
The positions of Conservative
voters are for all issues roughly equidistant
from UKIP on the one hand, and the seven left -
liberal parties on the other.