Sentences with phrase «general election vote share»

He told Jo Coburn on the Daily Politics why he believed a current polling of 15 % for UKIP was likely to see a 13 % general election vote share.

Not exact matches

On the political level, we won a general election, only the eighth time in 40 elections that a governing party has increased both its seat count and its share of the popular vote.

The election was a landslide win for the PC Party, whom improved both their seat total in the legislature and their share of the popular vote from the 2004 general election.

Had Labour achieved a higher vote share in the 2015 general election then Miliband would now be better known to Americans as the UK prime minister who is preparing forge a working relationship with Donald Trump.

The graphs below show how changes in the shares of council seats won by each party are strongly correlated with changes in general election vote intentions.

Never mind that under Corbyn, Labour has increased its vote share on its 2015 general election showing, and grown its percentage majorities in all four by - elections fought under his leadership.

With the 2015 UK general election David Cameron became the first Prime Minister to be re-elected immediately after a full term with a larger popular vote share since 1900 and the only Prime Minister other than Margaret Thatcher to be re-elected immediately after a full term with a greater number of seats to - date.

Continue reading Local elections vote share (PNS) and general election vote intention →

In the 2017 general election, Turley was re-elected with 23,623 votes, a share of 55.5 %.

The graph below shows the BBC Projected National Share of the vote (PNS) from local elections together with general election vote intention from the polls for the month before each round of local elections.

UKIP secured 16.5 % of the overall vote in the 2009 European Parliament elections but just 3.1 % of the final share of vote in the 2010 general election.

Hitherto, the coincidence of local and general election results provided an opportunity to estimate a PNS for the parallel local elections by comparing the local and parliamentary election results in those constituencies where all the component wards were contested, and then applying the resulting difference for each party to its share of the Britain - wide parliamentary vote.

In the 2014 general election, the Green Party's share of the party vote was 10.70 %.

This is an estimate of the share of the vote that the principal parties would have won in a GB - wide general election if voters across the country as a whole had behaved in the same way as those who actually voted in the local elections.

UKIP's share of general election vote intention, at 14 % last week, is much more muted than the 23 % they achieved in the Projected National Share of the vote (PNS) from the local electshare of general election vote intention, at 14 % last week, is much more muted than the 23 % they achieved in the Projected National Share of the vote (PNS) from the local electShare of the vote (PNS) from the local elections.

As a result, in places without a Lib Dem MP, their share of the vote is likely to collapse at the next General Election.

Following the 2017 general election, UKIP's vote share plummeted by 15.6 % seeing both Conservative and Labour vote shares rise significantly by 9 %.

Last year a Conservative mayor was elected on North Tyneside and the Tories were the only party to increase their share of the vote at the general election.

On average the vote shares for each party from the 1999 - 2009 are 8.75 percentage points different from their vote shares at the next general election, almost double that of local elections.

If we look at the 2010 general election results, we can see that 116 MPs (from 649 excluding the speaker) got a higher vote share than the average Conservative leader, versus 48 for the Labour leader and 277 for the Liberal Democrat leader.

My model takes into account five things: the vote share a party received in the by - election constituency at the preceding general election; changes in public opinion towards the party since the last general election; whether the party won the seat at the last election; whether the party is in government; and whether there are «party effects» on by - election outcomes.

European Parliament elections also seem to be becoming worse predictors of general election results (the same is not true for local elections)-- the difference between vote shares at European and general elections for the 1999 EP election was 7.5, 8.5 for 2004, and 10.3 in 2009.

From this, the BBC reported an estimate of national vote share of 31 % for the Conservatives, 38 % for Labour and 16 % for the Liberal Democrats, meaning that if these results were replicated at the next general election, Labour would win an 83 seat majority.

In the 2017 snap general election, the Liberal Democrats had an overall vote share of 7.4 %, down 0.5 % from 2015.

It is notoriously difficult to convert opinion poll figures for the share of the votes into the number of seats likely to be won at a General Election.

The party improved on their 1997 results at the 2001 general election, increasing their number of seats to 52 and their share of the vote to 18.3 %.

The Tories won the largest share of the vote in twelve out of the thirteen general elections between 1886 and 1945.

Each company has developed its own approach to the tricky job of assessing their likely vote share in a general election — but the pollsters know their interest lies not in talking it up or down, but getting it right.

Jeremy Corbyn has confounded his critics and increased Labour's share of the vote in the General Election.

For most of this year, Labour have hovered a few points above the Conservatives, who seem to float around the 37 per cent vote share they received at the general election.

For instance, Labour's overall share of the vote increased in 2015, relative to the 2010 General Election, by 1.5 %, but the extent of the party's support / seat losses in Scotland to the Scottish National Party (returning with just 1 of the 41 seats that the party had won there in 2010) meant that most of the 701,147 votes won by Labour in Scotland were effectively wasted votes.

At the 2005 general election, the Lib Dems gained their highest share of the vote since the SDP — Liberal Alliance (22 %) and won 62 seats.

The European elections, however, provide the only opportunity before the general election to assess the ability of the pollsters to forecast the share of the vote in a Britain - wide election.

Polls indicate their share of the vote in a general election would barely creep into double figures, wiping out virtually all of their MPs.

«I think you're getting a little fixated by vote shares at general elections and using these as the definitive yardstick of the health or otherwise of a particular political party.»

The latest Populus poll is only the third national voting intention survey from the firm to be published since the general election and gives a slightly different picture although well within the margin or error on all three party shares.

The one really interesting thing in the next general election will be seeing if the Lib Dems will drop a substantial number of seats if their vote share collapses, or whether their MPs really are dug in firmly enough to survive.

But in those seats where it came second in the by - election (as UKIP has done in Eastleigh), it went on to lose almost half its vote share at the next general election.

Conservative candidate Kashif Ali came third, with his share of the vote dropping to 12.8 % (from 26.4 % at the general election).

On average, in those seats that the party won in by - elections, it went on to hold on to more than four - fifths of its vote share at the following general election.

The Labour Party was defeated heavily in the 1983 general election, winning only 27.6 % of the vote, its lowest share since 1918, and receiving only half a million votes more than the SDP - Liberal Alliance who leader Michael Foot condemned for «siphoning» Labour support and enabling the Conservatives to greatly increase their majority of parliamentary seats.

However, in the 1983 general election, when Labour received its lowest vote share (27.6 %) since 1918, the SDP fared much less well: the party took 11.6 % of the vote, slightly below the 13.7 % its Alliance partners the Liberals polled, and it ended up with only six seats.

In the 1951 general election, Labour narrowly lost to Churchill's Conservatives, despite receiving the larger share of the popular vote — its highest ever vote numerically.

Despite remaining in opposition for its third election in a row, Labour at 40.0 % won its greatest share of the vote since 2001, made a net gain of 30 seats to reach 262 total MPs, and, with a swing of 9.6 %, [127] achieved the biggest percentage - point increase in its vote share in a single general election since 1945.

While our colleagues in Scotland have gone from one poor election result to the next, faced with a similar situation in 1997 the Welsh Conservatives have made significant progress, bouncing back to increase our share of the vote at each general election since and increasing our representation, taking 8 seats this year - two more than than in John Major's surprise election victory in 1992.

They may have finished 3,558 votes behind Labour (having been just 103 behind at the general election) but their share of the vote rose to 31.9 per cent.

Green was re-elected in the 2015 general election on an increased voter turnout, managing to increase both the Labour Party's share of the vote and the size of the majority in Stretford and Urmston.

In the 2010 general election, he was the Conservative Parliamentary candidate for Hampstead and Kilburn, losing by 42 votes to the Labour's sitting MP Glenda Jackson and increasing the Conservative vote share of the vote by nearly 10 percentage points compared to the previous election.

I can't see how the Torys can increase their share of the vote at the next general election without an economic miracle

With a four - way contest involving the Conservatives and Plaid Cymru at the 1964 general election, and a national swing to Labour, Roderic Bowen suffered a precipitate decline in his share of the vote to only 38.4 %; he was re-elected with a majority of 2,219 (7.4 %) over Labour.