A combination of economic growth with the conservation of the dualistic worldview of Victorian America — especially attitudes related to sexuality — partially accounts for
growth in conservative churches.
We see it in the Jesus movement, the charismatic revival with its speaking in tongues,
the growth in conservative churches while others decline in numbers and influence, the turn toward Eastern meditative cults, the upsurge once more of belief in an imminent second coming of Christ to put an end to the distresses of our time.
Not exact matches
The graying of the
churches in relation to
conservative Protestants means two things, both of them unconducive to
growth: more members are dying off and.
Despite the hopes I have had for the
churches in Britain, I have to admit that the areas of
church growth have
in most cases been amongst the more
conservative churches.
The question, however, is whether despite the
growth of
conservative churches both
in Europe and North America and
in other parts of the world, and the likelihood that they will remain strong, they offer the key to the future
in a world that is changing very quickly.
The usual assertions are (1) that this kind of religion is today on the defensive; (2) that the defensive posture is occasioned by the flourishing of «
conservative churches» (although the alleged liberal enervation is also seen
in more autonomous terms); (3) that the
growth in religious conservatism and
conservative churches is itself the result of widespread reaction against «secular humanist» values and against those who hold such values; (4) that our society as a whole has been experiencing a breakdown
in moral consensus, a loss of moral coherence somehow connected with a decline
in oldline Protestant dominance; and (5) that some or all of these happenings have been quite sudden, so that the early 1960s can be taken as a kind of benchmark — as a time before the fall.
The first problem here is that, minus signs or not, the fluctuating
growth rates for the oldline
churches (quite healthy
growth during the postwar revival; decline during the 1970s; some recovery
in the first half of the «80s) tell us little if they are not compared, and compared over a number of decades, with the
growth rates for the
conservative churches.
One frequently cited bar graph has been used to suggest, for the decade 1965 - 75, a severe diminution of seven mainline Protestant bodies by contrast both with their gains
in the preceding ten years and with the continuing
growth of selected
conservative churches (see Jackson W. Carroll et al., Religion
in America, 1950 to the Present [Harper & Row, 19791, p. 15) The gap
in growth rates for 1965 - 75, as shown on that graph, is more than 29 percentage points (an average loss
in the oldline denominations of 8.9 per cent against average gains among the
conservatives of 20.5 per cent) This is indeed a substantial difference, but it does not approach the difference
in growth rates recorded for the same religious groups
in the 1930s, when the discrepancy amounted to 62 percentage points.
In this respect it is interesting to note how we — that is, those of us in mainstream traditions — tend to think about the loss of membership by mainstream churches and the growth of so - called conservative churche
In this respect it is interesting to note how we — that is, those of us
in mainstream traditions — tend to think about the loss of membership by mainstream churches and the growth of so - called conservative churche
in mainstream traditions — tend to think about the loss of membership by mainstream
churches and the
growth of so - called
conservative churches.
At the moment, there is
in our population a sizable enough
conservative subgroup, theologically and sociologically, to provide the basis for considerable
growth by these
churches.
The survey bears out that the caliber of leadership is a far more determinative factor
in church growth than questions of liberal - versus -
conservative positions, or social action versus personal - individual religious experience and expression.
Yet the dramatic
growth in the 1970s of schools within «
conservative» Protestant religious movements led to a narrower definition: a «Christian school» is one that's affiliated with one of the
conservative Protestant denominations, such as Southern Baptist and Lutheran
Church - Missouri Synod, and,
in general, with one of the dominant streams within
conservative Protestantism — the evangelical, charismatic, fundamentalist, and Pentecostal religious movements.