Sentences with phrase «half of their electoral support»

This reality, combined with the fact that just 10 % of the labor force is now employed in manufacturing, means that there is plenty of electoral support for policies aimed at increasing trade.

It is the biggest issue facing the country and potentially the most powerful driver of electoral support.

Secondly, and more importantly when it comes to the future of the party, we had spent decades building up a very local base of electoral support, from council to parliamentary levels, on the basis of populist, or indeed protest, issues that played well with disgruntled voters, but almost impossible to deliver in government.

This may not necessarily be a bad thing, as the tectonic plates of electoral support shift.

Secondly, committee chair positions are divided up among the parliamentary parties in rough proportion to their levels of electoral support and with government having a large say in which committee chairs they retain.

She must deliver a clean Brexit, one in which we are fully independent from the EU — no fudges or compromises — or Ukip will rise again, strongly, and swiftly, and the Tories will face a massive loss of electoral support at the next general election.»

Minor parties can qualify for free time based on their level of electoral support at the last election and if they are contesting more than 10 % of seats at the current election.

Now it is assumed that, for the government to be pushing ahead with a move towards AV, it must be for a similar inflation of electoral support.

However, there is a large gap between Bloomberg's job approval rating — 59 % — and the proportion of electoral support he would receive when pitted against hypothetical opponents.

Similarly, populist parties in Europe saw high levels of electoral support in response to messages that their countries are in dire straits.

Not exact matches

What's strange about Merkel's record of electoral success is how consistently she has confirmed the adage that policy failures are an unavoidable part of politics, while avoiding its corollary: that erosions of public support are inevitable, too.

The French judges are examining whether Havas supported the electoral campaigns of candidates who once in office granted port concessions to Bollore's group, the magazine said.

The different level of popular support that these parties have in each country, and the particular characteristics of each electoral system, makes it difficult to predict whether nationalist parties will become more prominent fixtures in European politics as the economic crisis plays out.

This temporary staff provides support for returning officers, electoral logistics, communication with electors, and studies relating to the operation of an electoral event.

Inspired after a string of awful - to - middling governors won with less than 50 per cent support, a Maine ballot measure will ask voters to endorse ranked - ballot voting and instant run - offs — one of the electoral alternatives the Trudeau government is considering.

Further, the formation of synods and federations in the churches, which conducted their affairs on parliamentary and electoral principles, took place under the guardianship of the princes who had supported the Reformation against Rome.

What we need to ask, however, is whether the weaknesses of the electoral process are in fact signs of a more general political failure that has left us unable to support better elections.

Now, the Catholic Church of the 1980s was nothing like as potent a force as it had been in the age of Cardinal Spellman, when it could count on the solid electoral support of most of its faithful, and it already faced major revolts over issues of gender and sexuality.

Arlene Mulder, Arlington Heights village president, said she and the other two members of the electoral board, Village Clerk Edwina Corso and Trustee Stephen Daday, set aside both their desire to keep the track and some board members» earlier support for an advisory referendum in making the decision.

Thirdly, there are substantial patterns of geographical variation in electoral support, as the regional distribution of votes reveals

Convening such a body would provide a space to debate how best to address systematic political inequality, whether through thorough - going electoral reform including PR and compulsory voting, the radical overhaul of the democratic aberration that is the Lords, or in reforming party funding, all of which the report supports.

Britain is not America, and it is inconceivable that a party could win broad electoral support on a platform of traditional social conservatism — particularly on matters of sexual ethics.

... Delight in smooth - sounding platitudes, refusal to face unpleasant facts, desire for popularity and electoral success irrespective of the vital interests of the State, genuine love of peace and pathetic belief that love can be its sole foundation, obvious lack of intellectual vigour in both leaders of the British Coalition Government, marked ignorance of Europe and aversion from its problems in Mr. Baldwin, the strong and violent pacifism which at this time dominated the Labour - Socialist Party, the utter devotion of the Liberals to sentiment apart from reality, the failure and worse than failure of Mr. Lloyd George, the erstwhile great war - time leader, to address himself to the continuity of his work, the whole supported by overwhelming majorities in both Houses of Parliament: all these constituted a picture of British fatuity and fecklessness which, though devoid of guile, was not devoid of guilt, and, though free from wickedness or evil design, played a definite part in the unleashing upon the world of horrors and miseries which, even so far as they have unfolded, are already beyond comparison in human experience.

I have supported PR since 1990, and wrote in favour of electoral reform in the first piece I wrote on joining the Fabians in 2003.

Since these parties aren't strategic they aren't expected to have any meaningful impact on the election, and the electoral rules are capable of supporting multiple parties.

it is imperative that INEC as a public institution run with the approval, and from the funds of the public perform its responsibility of facilitating / regulating the electoral process responsibly as failure may lead to losing public / peoples support and by extension, its existence.

The existing electoral system, though confirmed in a vote in 2011, is struggling to give adequate expression to the range of party support in the nations of the UK.

Given the potentials the card reader has for disinfecting the process with the scrutiny of authentication of the voter register, all those who stand for genuine electoral reform have no choice but to improve the enabling policy ambiance for supporting the card reader by ensuring judicial clarity which supports its use.

What is clear, however, is that the» bad result» of UKIP is first of all due to the mechanical effects of the British electoral system, and not to a lack of popular support.

Voters are more likely to support democracy and accept the outcome of democratic elections — which is important if electoral violence is to be avoided — if they trust that people like them will not be excluded from political and economic opportunities just because their candidate lost.

For most of the post-war period, electoral support for the Social Democrats hovered around 45 percent.

As allegations of vote rigging surrounded «the worst violence since Kenya gained independence», [iii] particular international support has been given to Kenya's electoral commission.

And there are three reasons why they are likely to attempt to stick to this position: they know there are dangers in policy U-turns (think Lib Dem commitments to oppose student fees); commitment to the renewal of Trident is entrenched in some parts of the party, even if key members of the leadership understand the downsides; and it would be seen as weakness if they succumbed to pressure from smaller parties with less credibility and electoral support.

Throughout its long history, Sweden's Social Democratic Party has skillfully reached out to new electoral constituencies, while preserving the support of their core voters — reconciling the demands of anticlerical and religious workers in the 1910s and 1920s, workers and farmers in the 1930s, blue - collar and white - collar employees in the 1950s, and so on.

On another point, while I strongly support electoral reform, it continues to alarm me that a few others do not appear to consider the proportionality (and thus the fairness) of the electoral system to be of over-riding or critical importance.

In our work, we have researched the attitudes of those who supported the electoral protests of 2011 (Chaisty and Whitefield, 2013).

We also show that the large electoral losses for the Social Democrats between 1994 and 1998 were much more pronounced among outsiders: according to our estimates, a typical member of the labour force became 18 percentage points less likely to support the Social Democrats if he was an outsider, but only 8.5 percentage points less likely to do so if he was an insider.

Indeed, can't I equally argue that Neal Lawson risks narrowing his coalition of support for electoral reform by suggesting that the existence of a national campaign on PR means postponing or vetoing any consideration of party reform issues on their merits (where he seems to argue that the principle would be one he would support, were it not for this context)?

With neither Labour nor the Conservatives likely to be capable of forming a majority government and given the SNP's fragmented unionist opponents north of the border, Britain's first - past - the - post electoral system could allow Nicola Sturgeon's party to exact a high price for support of a government in the Commons.

If the US presidential election abolishes the electoral college, would this mean that extremist voters (someone who fanatically supports a specific political direction and will vote whoever supports it the most) play more of a role in the election?

However, if a more isolationist or nationalist US president emerges from the 2016 electoral process in America, and European electors give ever higher levels of support for nationalist - oriented parties, then we have little reason to expect partnership on foreign policy issues, and even fewer reasons to expect multilateral responses to global problems.

It helps explains why in the UK, where support for a more proportional electoral system has hovered above 60 % for 30 years, 68 % voted in favour of keeping the First Past the Post system.

About 40,000 of the 183,000 registered supporters are said to have been barred from voting in the contest, either because their cheques for # 25 bounced, they are not on the electoral roll, or because evidence has emerged of support for other parties.

As in Scotland when pro-independence Labour voters switched to the SNP because of Labour's support for Cameron rendering Scottish Labour a pointless electoral alliance that can never be elected again.

New York is one of eight states that have «electoral fusion» — which allows more than one political party to support a common candidate.

This suggests that the party might achieve the kind of levels of popular support it normally only wins in European elections, even without the benefit of a PR electoral system.

These attitudinal distributions have implications for understanding the increase in support for UKIP (among a wide range of other explanations for UKIP's support), but also for the likelihood of support for a referendum on EU membership and the political and electoral consequences of the respective party's promises on a referendum.

Maybe he hopes that will deliver him an electoral benefit in terms of the ardent support of every paper in the land.

Ed Miliband subsequently won the election, the result of which was announced on 25 September 2010, after second, third and fourth preferences votes were counted, achieving the support of 50.654 % of the electoral college, defeating his brother by 1.3 %.

While Nigel Farage and his lieutenants have invested considerable resources in terms of pavement politics in the working - class midlands and north - east, they still have considerable difficulty attracting the support of younger and urban voters — precisely the electoral tranche Labour is now pursuing.