Sentences with phrase «historical theology for»

Working on a narrative - historical theology for the church after Christendom.

Working on a narrative - historical theology for the church after Christendom.

Working on a narrative - historical theology for the church after Christendom.

Working on a narrative - historical theology for the church after Christendom.

Regarding beginnings, Darwin draws on historical theology for an answer to the question of who, but on empirical science for an answer to the question of how.

Not exact matches

There are no historical grounds for believing that the schism was the necessary outcome of Luther's theology of grace.

However, I've also seen far too many people attempt to ground their identity in doubt - free theology making it all too easy for comedians such as Bill Maher, George Carlin or Ricky Gervais to come along and thoroughly dismantle flimsy beliefs about the creation narrative, the historical Jesus or how seemingly misogynistic and oppressive the Bible sounds.

For Gilkey, the «neo» of his orthodoxy is precisely where he remained most liberal» not just his penchant for talking about biblical symbols and myths but also his conviction that the problem of historical consciousness is the context for all modern theoloFor Gilkey, the «neo» of his orthodoxy is precisely where he remained most liberal» not just his penchant for talking about biblical symbols and myths but also his conviction that the problem of historical consciousness is the context for all modern theolofor talking about biblical symbols and myths but also his conviction that the problem of historical consciousness is the context for all modern theolofor all modern theology.

I should point out that biblical studies has a distinct advantage over theology when it comes to finding a place in the university, since it is a historical discipline which can and often does just as well locate elsewhere — for instances in a department of Near East studies.

By the end of his studies» he wrote his doctoral thesis on the quest for the historical Jesus» Braaten had worked through the theologies of such mid-century luminaries as Tillich, Rudolf Bultmann, and Karl Barth but become the disciple of none.

It may be that in the course of history certain dimensions of saving truth become obscured and must be recovered but it is impossible for a theologian to stand apart from tradition and begin his work ab initio; to do so would be to cut himself off from the Church, which is the source sine qua non of theology, and to deny the historical givenness of Revelation.

For Christians, Jesus is and always will be more than a merely historical figure, but, as Fredriksen reminds us explicitly, he is also that, and readings that isolate him from his historical context are dangerous to truth» and hence to good theology.

Or are we, partly by the paucity of our records, whose composition has been so largely shaped by factors quite other than a modern demand for historical, factual accuracy, partly by the demands of a theology that would emphasize divine acceptance above divine judgement, compelled to say that all we find here is the most sublime presentation in time of the eternal readiness of God to receive to himself the truly penitent?

For example, if one understood by the church simply the historically given communities with their multiplicity of beliefs and practices, the view of theology as the articulation of the church's faith would lead to a plurality of theologies that could hardly escape the recognition of their relativity with respect to historical factors.

For showing me this - along with various other things about the historical Jesus, the apostle Paul, and theology in general - I am truly grateful.

But there is no apparent reason for excluding it from a political theology as long as its socio - historical grounding and political meaning are not neglected.

If the data of philosophical reason are natural, that is, if they are given for human experience independently of historical conditions, then natural theology as commonly understood becomes a major possibility.

More recently, a social - scientific consciousness has also entered theology, with effects both as disturbing and as liberating as theology's earlier recognition of the need for historical consciousness.

Even so, the fight for historical consciousness in mainline theologies seems basically secure.

The battle for historical consciousness in theology has been waged for over 150 years.

To arrive at the God of Christian Theism, other evidences can be offered in addition to this more basic one (e.g. aspects of natural theology, historical arguments for the life, death, and resurrection of Christ, alleged special revelation, etc.).

William Lane Craig has authored a well - informed historical account and sophisticated modern defense of the cosmological argument for God's existence which has its origin in the medieval Arabic practitioners of kalam (sometimes translated «scholastic theology»).

Several of us entered into a heated discussion with our visitor, out of which a relative consensus emerged: We do read the classic texts of Latin American theology (Gutiérrez, Boff, Segundo, Sobrino, Miguez Bonino and others), some of them for their historical importance, others for their continuing relevance.

For myself, certain early formative influences in the early «60s (biblical criticism, Bernard Lonergan's reflections on method and historical consciousness, and the splendid ambience of student days in Rome during the Second Vatican Council) solidified my own sharing in the common conviction that there can be no return to a pre-ecumenical, prepluralistic, ahistorical theology.

The particular resources of contemporary liberal theology that have especial relevance for a Christian approach to our culture's current difficulties are these: (1) the contemporary historical consciousness, (2) the conclusions of biblical scholars regarding Jesus and the Kingdom of God, and (3) the current «process» understanding of God, Which allows a positive relation (but not a surrender!)

Theology can not be historically empirical in the sense that claims about Jesus» special relationship to God could be proved by historical evidence, for the evidence will always be consistent with various speculative hypotheses.

Rogers set out in 1963 to provide in his dissertation the historical basis for an attack on the United Presbyterians» proposed «Confession of 1967» only to discover, to his «shock and surprise,» that even the Westminster Confession conveyed a more subtly nuanced doctrine of Scripture than the Princeton theology and that the «Confession of 1967» restored important themes.

Accordingly, Yeago argues, «there are no historical grounds for believing that the schism was the necessary outcome of Luther's theology of grace.»

It is a drama that unfolds in several contexts at once: within the historical context of a «great cloud of witnesses», that is, in relationship to all of those who speak (and have spoken) as «Christian preachers»; within the context of the speaker's own human existence in relation to other statements of faith collected as «Christian theology» within the time and space set aside for the performance of Christian liturgy.

Walter Fernandes, «A Socio - historical perspective for Liberation Theology in India» in Felix Wilfred (ed.)

The German professor came to prominence in America in the late 1960s in part because of his stalwart commitment to the historical nature of Jesus» resurrection as foundational for theology.

Similarly, Lindsell's historical analysis has some validity for the Lutheran Church — Missouri Synod, which took theological shape in a confessional reaction to the 19th century emergence of the «Evangelical United Front» — a reaction grounded in Lutheran scholasticism just as the Princeton theology was grounded in Reformed scholasticism.

The full - fledged arrival of historical consciousness in theology, best viewed in the often tortured, always honest, reflections of both Troeltsch and Lonergan, only heightened the need for new reflection in hermeneutics.

Using the Deuteronomic Creed as model, Dalit theology can construct the historical Dalit consciousness which has to do with their roots, identities and struggle for human dignity and «for the right to live as free people created in the image of God.»

If the meaning of our principle of historical aetiology, as opposed to an eye - witness report by someone who was himself present at the event, has been understood, we presumably also possess a criterion for judging what was correct in the description given by traditional theology of the blessed, supernatural, original condition of man, as opposed to what was a simplified projection into the past, into human beginnings, of the state of man as it ought to be and will be in the future.

(a) Philosophical preoccupation with the various types of cultural activities on an idealistic basis (Johann Gottfried Herder, G. W. F. Hegel, Johann Gustav Droysen, Hermann Steinthal, Wilhelm Wundt); (b) legal studies (Aemilius Ludwig, Richter, Rudolf Sohm, Otto Gierke); (c) philology and archeology, both stimulated by the romantic movement of the first decades of the nineteenth century; (d) economic theory and history (Karl Marx, Lorenz von Stein, Heinrich von Treitschke, Wilhelm Roscher, Adolf Wagner, Gustav Schmoller, Ferdinand Tonnies); (e) ethnological research (Friedrich Ratzel, Adolf Bastian, Rudolf Steinmetz, Johann Jakob Bachofen, Hermann Steinthal, Richard Thurnwald, Alfred Vierkandt, P. Wilhelm Schmidt), on the one hand; and historical and systematical work in theology (church history, canonical law — Kirchenrecht), systematic theology (Schleiermacher, Richard Rothe), and philosophy of religion, on the other, prepared the way during the nineteenth century for the following era to define the task of a sociology of religion and to organize the material gathered by these pursuits.7 The names of Max Weber, Ernst Troeltsch, Werner Sombart, and Georg Simmel — all students of the above - mentioned older scholars — stand out.

Western Euro — North American experience alone is not adequate for a genuine Christian theology, as it excludes, or rather often legitimizes the sad historical and present reality of the long - colonized oppressed peoples and continuing world apartheid.

However, theology need not submit to the nemesis of historical relativism or of a linear anthropology for its work to be valid.

The second question is that of systematic theology proper: What systematic model, informed by the criteria determined for fundamental theological discourse, will allow a specific historical community of faith to articulate its particular vision of reality in a manner that makes it available for the wider community without being wrenched from its own historical experience?

The fact that for two years at Cambridge University, I studied history before studying theology, reinforced my historical approach to the faith.

In keeping with this historical charge, I argue in a recently completed book, A Blessed Rage for Order: The New Pluralism in Theology (to be published by Seabury this spring), that there are presently five major operative models for fundamental theology: the orthodox, the liberal, the neo-orthodox, the radical and what may be tentatively labeled the reviTheology (to be published by Seabury this spring), that there are presently five major operative models for fundamental theology: the orthodox, the liberal, the neo-orthodox, the radical and what may be tentatively labeled the revitheology: the orthodox, the liberal, the neo-orthodox, the radical and what may be tentatively labeled the revisionist.

Both of these questions are initially ones for a historical, not a constructive, theology.

However, it is the contention of this essay that Hartshorne's thought has a significance which can not be limited to the confirmed «Whiteheadians,» but which also has relevance for styles of thinking that are more explicitly historical and self - consciously theological, including even the anti-metaphysical attempts of the «secular» theologies to speak of God in a political fashion.

James describes the emerging confrontation between philosophical cosmology and historical theology and the avenues for resolution offered by process philosophy for metaphysics, anthropology and evolution.

Even more important for current theology, the very ontology that is modern in its openness to historical relativism requires also, on purely philosophical grounds, the existence of a God who is very much alive and who is fully as personal as the God of Christian faith.

Theology has not given adequate attention to the social idealizations of evil... The new thing in the social gospel is the clearness and insistence with which it sets forth the necessity and the possibility of redeeming the historical life of humanity from the social wrongs which now pervade it... The social gospel seeks to bring men under repentance for their collective sins and to create a more sensitive and more modern conscience.

With its appeal to the so - called historical - critical method for gaining an insight into the meaning of the text, this approach is to be associated with the liberal theology stemming from the Enlightenment.

For historical and critical accounts of liberal theology in America see Richard Niebuhr, The Kingdom of God in America (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1937), chap.

But on the whole, nineteenth century philosophical theology was not particularly interested in the question of original or corporate sin; it was far more involved in various responses to Hegel, the new prominence of biblical study and its corollary «quest for the historical Jesus,» and the implications of economic and psychological developments for Christian faith.

Selman does not provide us with a historical overview of the development of the sacraments; for that, see Joseph Martos» Doors to the Sacred: A Historical Introduction to Sacraments in the Catholic Church (2001), or, indeed, chapter 4 of Herbert Vorgrimler's Sacramental Theolohistorical overview of the development of the sacraments; for that, see Joseph Martos» Doors to the Sacred: A Historical Introduction to Sacraments in the Catholic Church (2001), or, indeed, chapter 4 of Herbert Vorgrimler's Sacramental TheoloHistorical Introduction to Sacraments in the Catholic Church (2001), or, indeed, chapter 4 of Herbert Vorgrimler's Sacramental Theology (1992).