Talking to a Brick Wall:
How New Labour Stopped Listening to the Voter and Why We Need a New Politics is out now, published by Biteback, # 17.99
What any politics fan really wants from this memoir is a picture of her personality and
how New Labour's righteous smugness fits in with it.
And this history is important precisely because it demonstrates, as with the later «education, education, education» nonsense,
how New Labour was, right from the very beginning, much more interested in importing salesmanship from abroad than in policy needs at home.
These books demonstrate
how the New Labour years were a missed opportunity given the large majorities Blair enjoyed in his first two terms.
Not exact matches
That's
how it looks, at least, after negotiations aimed at resolving the league's
labour dispute collapsed last week in
New York.
«Every time there's a
new scandal, everyone talks about
how safeguarding is all of our business, but then once that scandal disappears people forget again until another scandal happens,» said the
Labour MP.
There's more information on
how to prepare siblings for the birth of a
new baby over on babyReady where they suggest: make a game out of the kinds of strange noises that you may make when you are in
labour, try not to make too many changes to your child's routine close to the delivery, let your older child open the baby's gifts, and take your older child to your doctor (or midwife) visits, and more.
Tags 40 weeks a mom is born baby care being a
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The Healthy Pregnancy Book takes you month - by - month through your pregnancy, answering all the questions you have about your baby's development, your own body's physical and emotional changes, medical technology you might need during pregnancy and childbirth,
how to prepare for
labour and delivery, and those first days at home with your
new baby.
Don't dwell on
how your
labour went, just concentrate on your beautiful
new arrival.
I do not know who I would vote for, now John has stepped down, Abbott carries a lot of baggage with her, telling Blair about his kids going to private school while hers did as well, on the whole I suspect I would vote Abbott, sadly it makes little difference, it does look as if David Miliband will win this one, he is
new labour, the new Mp's are mainly new labour, it does look like the days of the working class are over, perhaps one day we will get a party I some how doubt, it, so where does labour stand, we have the Conservative party big business, we have liberals not to sure, we have New labour big business Tory Tory and Libera
new labour, the
new Mp's are mainly new labour, it does look like the days of the working class are over, perhaps one day we will get a party I some how doubt, it, so where does labour stand, we have the Conservative party big business, we have liberals not to sure, we have New labour big business Tory Tory and Libera
new Mp's are mainly
new labour, it does look like the days of the working class are over, perhaps one day we will get a party I some how doubt, it, so where does labour stand, we have the Conservative party big business, we have liberals not to sure, we have New labour big business Tory Tory and Libera
new labour, it does look like the days of the working class are over, perhaps one day we will get a party I some
how doubt, it, so where does
labour stand, we have the Conservative party big business, we have liberals not to sure, we have
New labour big business Tory Tory and Libera
New labour big business Tory Tory and Liberals.
As Ed Miliband draws the curtain on
New Labour, Peter Riddell looks at
how the Blair and Brown years have been portrayed in literature
But McDonnell is proving to be more multi-layered than his caricature, seeking late in his career to match expediency with belief, gripped by the need to prove economic competence (he reads the findings of focus groups as avidly as
New Labour's leading figures used to do), knows the importance of narrative and
how George Osborne impressively framed one about
how Labour crashed the car and should never be given the keys again.
The author revels in the details of the tale by noting
how, having sent British newspapers into a frenzy, the
Labour MP made it to Australia with two
new identities and settled down in the suburbs of Melbourne, where «he applied to join the local jazz club».
I agree that the redistributive settlement needs to be embedded within society's concept of
how things work rather than seen as after - the - fact «meddling» in outcomes, but I think this is incompatible with a government that very clearly is meddling in all kinds of things, as
New Labour did.
In a recent blog post for (the appropriately titled) Conservative Home, the
Labour party's Policy Co-Ordinator, Jon Cruddas MP (also a contributor to The
Labour Tradition), reflects on Scruton's
new book,
How to be a Conservative: he describes his Conservatism as a love of home.
The problem is not that «
New Labour» (whatever that is these days) has insufficient regard for civil liberties, the problem is that British Governments and the British State (a different thing, of course) and the British public (
how's that for an ugly truth) have had and continue to have insufficient regard for civil liberties.
His vision of «stakeholding» in
New Britain (1996) and Anthony Crosland's priority on the poor in The Future of Socialism (1963), what Blair calls «a magnificent essay», were different visions by
Labour leaders of
how to redress capitalist excess.
I'm not going to report each time the Party Chairman announces a
new attack website, but here's today's, timed for the start of
Labour's Conference, which gives a sense of
how much the Tory assault operation has improved.
He could break away from
Labour with a
new Gang of Four (like SDP in the 80s) The delightful four will be Milliband, Ed Balls, Yvette Cooper and Harriet Harman and they can tell us
how well they can run the country together.
Another problem for
Labour, is
how they chose a
new leader once Brown goes.
A major
new report charting the reasons behind
Labour's 2015 general election defeat and
how it can win in 2020
I think you lot must be in the London bubble, you can not see
how far down the road
New Labour has gone.
How is it that
Labour can oppose many of the cuts being made by the Conservative - led coalition and promise to spend billions on
new policies?
Rather than silly Punch and Judy rhetoric about Tories it might be instructive to consider just
how far and
how destructively
New Labour has combined a market ideology (inherited from Thatcherism, although frequently misunderstood) with a preference for social engineering once favoured by what had been the more Statist elements of the Left to create social bullying through rationing, which is what this is all about.
But what is not at all clear to me, is
how his suggestion for his
new rump party of
Labour parliamentarians can win an election without the party activists to do it.
With the
new leader of Ukip, Paul Nuttall, being spoken about as a threat to the party in the North,
how does he think
Labour should reconnect with its core voters?
Not just
New Labour's overwhelming desire to amass all sorts of information about the individual and
New Labour's managerial model of
how to govern but also, in particular, a steady shift away from «justice» and towards «control»: towards the arbitrary, unconstrained use of power through the regular invocation of states of exception (terror legislation and Iceland is in this category); the creation of catch - all legislation whose operational interpretation is at the whim of the police (photography, questioning individual police officers); government attempts to constrain the judiciary through tick - the - box sentencing guidelines, and at an individual level examples such as David Milliband's quite disgraceful prevarication over torture allegations.
Comparing
how Conservative governments dealt with Rolls Royce Aeroengines and
how the Blair government just left Marconi to sink tells us a lot about
New Labour's industrial policy.
But still,
how depressing to find far too many
Labour people who see themselves as the party's custodians failing to do anything
new, moping their way into the
new year — and blaming anyone but themselves.
The question of
how far the candidates should renounce the policies of
New Labour has become one of the central themes of the contest.
somebody had better come up with a few idea's other wise
New labour will spend so long in the wilderness it will forget
how to rule., mind you if it ever did.
It dramatised
how far from the left
New Labour had come, from union members to tennis.
Rosa Prince is particularly good at describing
how almost by chance Corbyn became the candidate of the left for the leadership and the momentum he gained through a widespread rejection by many
Labour Party members of the «establishment» candidates and the influx of the
new Momentum membership.
I have written an essay «After
New Labour» very much about
how to escape this choice between what you define rather well as Old Old
Labour and Old
New Labour - a choice between the politics of the 1970s or the 1990s.
At the same time, Corbyn's
new digital democracy manifesto sets out «
how Labour would democratise the internet in order to rebuild and transform Britain».
Does negative campaigning work and
how should
Labour people feel about it in the «
new generation» era?
The 44 - year - old politician revealed
how Labour is ready to introduce
new quotas for the police, judges and top civil service jobs to combat racial inequality.
The former Prime Minister on dealing with the right - wing press,
New Labour's alleged obsession with celebrities and
how he wished he had reformed the party to ensure that Jeremy Corbyn could never have been leader
But
how would you feel if as someone paying the same stealth taxes as you, sees the same senior citizens lying on hospital trolleys, doesn't have enough money for heating (let alone a peerage) and weren't even asked to support the great «master plan» of the
New Labour Dual - Monarchy?
I have to admit I am rather surprised at
how early The Times has been so critical of Cameron -
New Labour must be quite rattled if Alastair Campbell has felt the need to unleash the hounds so soon.
The bill itself may also prove to be a true test of
how in control the prime minister is of his own party given the level of opposition among backbench MPs and his weakened position in the latest ICM poll, published yesterday, in which 63 per cent of voters said
Labour would be better off with a
new leader.
How much would Cameron enjoy the opportunity to goad the Eds with the spectre of Brown's ghost loitering palely around the arras as they try to present a
new beginning for
Labour?
By this I mean that
New Labour was ruthless about
how to position / market / message in relation to existing public opinion, but had little sense of
how it might shift underlying public opinion.
The
New Labour architect explained
how Corbyn could get a «substantial working majority» in the next election.
You don't believe me as regards
how bad
New Labour's position actually is?
After all his efforts to show that
Labour is no longer
New, and Blairism has no place in 2014, there's a lot of talk about
how Ed Miliband could use Blair this time around.
Shadow local government minister Eric Pickles dismissed the proposals as «nothing more than a
New Labour land tax», and questioned
how much of the money was likely to go back to local people.
Yes and the winner could be given a job as a
New labour MP, well in opposition we hope next year, or even how about the winner become leader of the Labour party, well we will need one of them nest
labour MP, well in opposition we hope next year, or even
how about the winner become leader of the
Labour party, well we will need one of them nest
Labour party, well we will need one of them nest year.
Even Jessica Asato's glancing reference to producer capture is at least useful both as metaphor for
New Labour's corruption of earlier party structures (see above) and as a partial description of
how economic reality has altered, assisted by
New Labour, over the past 12 years, though she goes on to muddle the point.