Sentences with phrase «idea of human rights»

At the same time, it drew inspiration from the audacity of the boardroom, the idea of human rights and the world of international wealth and power.
The alternative is the gutting or abolition of the Act, and a withdrawl from the European Convention on Human Rights, which the Conservatives are threatening to do (David Cameron even had a populist pop at the idea of human rights in a conference speech before he became Prime Minister).
Both Douthat and his opponents don't quite see that the very idea of human rights depend on personal freedom from dependence on both nature and personal authority.
This has happened, for example, with the idea of human rights embodied in the United Nations declaration.
The idea of human rights has thus to extend to the social institutions (the institutional arrangements) that would facilitate the realization of fundamental standards.
At one point Novak speaks of natural law theory «replacing» the idea of human rights.
The idea of human rights has usually assumed that these rights can simply be posited without the enunciation of any ontology underlying them, that they create themselves as it were....
But unlike the idea of human rights, [the concept of natural law] does not claim to be self «constituting.
... The disconcerting suggestion that arises from a comparative reflection on the theoretical cores of the two Revolutions is the idea of human rights that informs the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of 1789 can not be altogether severed from the logic of the Terror.
In Human Rights in Religious Traditions (Pilgrim Press, 1982), Rabbi Daniel Polish concludes that the idea of human rights «derives in the Jewish tradition from the basic theological affirmation of Jewish faith.»
When Pope John Paul II spoke on the occasion of the fiftieth birthday of the UDHR in 1998, he warned, «Certain shadows however hover over the anniversary, consisting in the reservations being expressed in relation to two essential characteristics of the very idea of human rights: their universality and their indivisibility.»
De Bary rejects the notion of «Asian values» that makes ideas of human rights inapplicable to East Asia.
It should be noted that in China basic ideas of human rights, personal dignity, respect of law, rule of law, etc are all radically different from US, even though on the surface they may look very similar.
Because Rights and Duties are inextricably linked, the idea of a Human Right only makes sense if we acknowledge the duty of all people to respect it.

Not exact matches

This is the root of sexual violence: The idea that women aren't autonomous human beings with the right and ability to say yes to sexual interactions we want and no to those we don't, but that we're receptacles for male sexual desire, that our bodies are up for grabs (literally, in this case).
OPEN Festival is a regional festival dedicated to the promotion of ideas of liberty and human rights.
They also argue that the amnesty the South African government granted to perpetrators of human rights under apartheid in exchange for their testimony before the Truth Commission compromised justice and could be defended only if it were necessary for a transition to democracy, not by any idea of reconciliation.
As a participant in that 1998 Ramsey Colloquium, a longtime supporter of the cautious use of rights language, and a frequent critic of its misuses, I was moved by Reno's arguments to ponder whether the noble post — World War II universal human - rights idea has finally been so manipulated and politicized as to justify its abandonment by men and women of good will.
Of course, Cardinal Kasper is right that theology is a human enterprise, done by humans with intellectual and personal histories and dispositions, and not just a participation in a Platonic realm of ideaOf course, Cardinal Kasper is right that theology is a human enterprise, done by humans with intellectual and personal histories and dispositions, and not just a participation in a Platonic realm of ideaof ideas.
The concept of international human rights from which no country is exempt is consonant with the idea that Shari'a, the large body of legal tradition that informs the Muslim community about how God requires it to live, is in some sense the rule of God.
The western church, Catholic and Protestant, has seized on the idea of a «Redeemer,» that is, a buy back merchant deal in which Jesus Christ must be a human / divine sacrifice in order to «buy back» (redeem) humanity's right to eternal life.
How do we respond to the idea of international human rights now that we have the United Nations and the concept of common human values?
There is today a curious and dangerous convergence between philosophical nihilists and radical multiculturalists, on the one hand, and, on the other, those states that reject the idea of universal human rights as an instance of cultural imperialism.
Historians of the French Revolution have debated the point as to whether or not it was the ideas of the philosophers concerning human rights, equality, justice, democracy, freedom or the interests of the ordinary people pinched in belly and pocketbook that led to the uprising of 1789.
Complaints about the cultural «imposition» of ideas about universal human rights are, more often than not, in the service of nationalism, racism, ideology, or power politics - or all of these in combination.
Also in the name of human rights, the number of rights is multiplied to the point that the very idea of rights is dangerously diluted.
Though he verbally defended the old New England idea, it is interesting that he defended it more on the basis of reason and human rights than on the basis of Scripture, and this defense of congregational independence later provided arguments for advocates of the revolution against England.
Oh, the Calvinists could make perfect sense of it all with a wave of a hand and a swift, confident explanation about how Zarmina had been born in sin and likely predestined to spend eternity in hell to the glory of an angry God (they called her a «vessel of destruction»); about how I should just be thankful to be spared the same fate since it's what I deserve anyway; about how the Asian tsunami was just another one of God's temper tantrums sent to remind us all of His rage at our sin; about how I need not worry because «there is not one maverick molecule in the universe» so every hurricane, every earthquake, every war, every execution, every transaction in the slave trade, every rape of a child is part of God's sovereign plan, even God's idea; about how my objections to this paradigm represented unrepentant pride and a capitulation to humanism that placed too much inherent value on my fellow human beings; about how my intuitive sense of love and morality and right and wrong is so corrupted by my sin nature I can not trust it.
The process by which this happened - by which concepts such as personal freedom, human rights and equality have been slowly distorted to mean something quite other than they did when Christian Europe gave birth to them - has been laboriously traced by historians of ideas such as Charles Taylor and Alastair Maclntyre.
The Holocaust was, in largest part, the consequence of ideas about human nature, human rights, the imperatives of history and scientific progress, the character of law, the bonds and obligations of political community.
This lowercase - a anglican ethics leads, in turn, to Whig politics: the idea of limited government, answerable to the people and built on constitutional guarantees of fundamental human rights.
When I see the tremendous support the Global March has received, it becomes certain that the 21st century is not going to flourish at the cost of the sweat and blood of children, said Mr. Kailash Satyarthi, of India, the international coordinator of the Global March, who had originally conceived the idea and proposed it to NGOs worldwide working on children's human rights.
Since freedom of propagation and conversion involves not only matters of religion, but also of culture and political ideas, any restriction at this point will affect the fundamental rights of the human person in general.
Yet Prof. Carlin finds the concept of animal rights to be «extraordinarily dangerous» and considers those who promote this idea to be «enemies of the human race.»
but we should by this time be aware that the full bill of human rights is a necessary accompaniment of the enjoyment of any limited range of freedom of information and ideas.
This reminds me of Kant's idea that «people should be treated as ends in themselves rather than a means to an end» — the basis of his ideas of personhood, dignity and human rights.
The second is the principle which defines the idea of fatherland or nation in the most tolerant and human sense, a principle which guarantees equality of rights and national duties for those of all races, colors, languages, and ideologies existing in the country.
In the following 200 years, the revolutionary ideas of freedom, equality, brotherhood and human rights for all have spread further and further, inspiring a series of emancipations.
A Guardian editorial in May described the decline in numbers and influence of Christianity and affirms that Christianity gave us «the idea that people have some rights just because they are human, and entirely irrespective of merit, [it] certainly isn't derived from observation of the world.»
And so, if the scientists are right and the human journey is from Big Bang to Big Crunch (or whatever, for God may very well have his own ideas) we will not, as natural materialists say, have travelled from one void to another but from beginning of life to fullness of life: to borrow from T.S. Eliot,
The libertine guardians of the sexual revolution brook no dissent from the idea, so famously articulated in Casey vs. Planned Parenthood, that «at the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.»
In political and social thought, no Christian has ever written a more profound defense of the democratic idea and its component parts, such as the dignity of the person, the sharp distinction between society and the state, the role of practical wisdom, the common good, the transcendent anchoring of human rights, transcendent judgment upon societies, and the interplay of goodness and evil in human individuals and institutions.
So in case what has been expounded here is correct, in case there is no incommensurability in a human life, and what there is of the incommensurable is only such by an accident from which no consequences can be drawn, in so far as existence is regarded in terms of the idea, Hegel is right; but he is not right in talking about faith or in allowing Abraham to be regarded as the father of it; for by the latter he has pronounced judgment both upon Abraham and upon faith.
He argued doggedly against «democratism,» the idea that majorities are always right, because he believed that democracy was the characteristically modern form of political idolatry, based on a flattery of fallen human nature.
During the war President Franklin D. Roosevelt persuaded the Allies to list human rights as a war aim, and to popularize the idea, he campaigned at home for the «Four Freedoms» — freedom of speech and belief, and freedom from fear and want.
This idea was recently introduced by Karel Vasak, former director of the Institute of Human Rights at Strasbourg.
Add to this the latter's reluctance to question any aspect of Islamic culture (even though many reform - minded Muslims do); and the idea that Islamophobia is more intense and widespread than Christianophobia (even as human rights organizations document just the reverse), and you begin to understand the depths of the problem.
There are large amounts of human beings on earth, right now, who have no idea who Jesus Christ is, and never will.
Both recount the emergence of human rights as a distinctive moral and political idea in the twentieth century.
While interesting and suggestive, such views also involve considerable problems in both clarifying and justifying the idea of «respect for nature (and the related notions of the «rights» of nature or the need for nature's liberation from human intervention and the imposition of human purposes).
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