Sentences with phrase «in conservative education»

Ravitch's role in conservative education reform was not as a generator of ideas; others developed the framework of standards and market competition.

Bush is a major figure in the conservative education reform movement, and now heads the Foundation for Excellence in Education, a think - tank seeking to overhaul the country's educational systems through policies like ending teacher tenure, expanding the use of charter schools and school vouchers, and the increased use of virtual education.

Lord Baker remembers his part in Conservative education changes in the 80s and the National Curriculum reform.

Not exact matches

At the Conservative Political Action Conference in March, he continued to define his agenda by focusing on fixing the immigration system and education.

'' [Bush's] big areas of focus have always been on education and refocusing people on opportunities, no matter what income bracket they are born into,» says Stan Veuger, resident economist for the conservative American Enterprise Institute in Washington, D.C.

The conservative Public Notice Research and Education Fund took in $ 1,821,000 in grants in 2011, $ 1,244,000 of which — almost 70 percent — came from Donors Trust.

Then I factored in private education costs for two kids to be conservative given I may not have two kids and public schools are often good enough.

The fields of academia and education are one of the most conservative fields — there are centuries - old traditions and conventional that has remained in use to the detriment of new technology.

The single most discouraging thing to come out of the sudden leadership race for the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario are new promises to roll back the sex education curriculum by candidates in this race.

In an October 2014 by - election, Mr. Clark placed a strong second and came within 800 votes of defeating appointed Progressive Conservative Education Minister Gordon Dirks.

Fortunately for the GOP, Christian conservatives do not believe in education and just are not intelligent enough to realize that the GOP is only using them to gain power so that they can implement policies that benefit the Top 5 % at the exclusion of the rest of America, Christian conservatives included.

«A study in the United States, published in the Social Forces journal and conducted by Sociology researcher Lisa A. Keister while she was at the Ohio State University, found that adherents of Judaism attained the most wealth, believers of Catholicism and mainline Protestants were in the middle, while conservative Protestants accu - mulated the least wealth, while in general people who attend religious services achieved more wealth than those who do not (taking into account variations of education and other factors).

And, of course, it is conservatives who are pressing for the basic justice of parental choice in education, a choice taken for granted by the affluent.

The new education secretary named in Prime Minister David Cameron's cabinet reshuffle is a Christian and a trustee of the Conservative Christian Fellowship.

Movement toward such a new contract has begun already in several states, most notably California, where the liberal emphasis on education and training has been combined with the conservative emphasis on demanding something in exchange for a welfare check.

Besides Sowell, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University, other prominent figures in the black conservative movement are Glenn C. Loury, a professor at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government; Walter E. Williams, a professor of economics at George Mason University; I A. Parker, president of the Lincoln Institute for Research and Education, Inc.; Robert Woodson, president of the National Association of Neighborhood Enterprises; and Joseph Perkins, editorial writer for the Wall Street Journal.

Wayland and the other reformers saw the church as a principal source of the conservative resistance they met in their efforts to open higher education to intellectually capable students.

In fact, social conservatives in the USA, led by Christian conservatives, have fought or disagreed with religious diversity, religious equality, abolition of slavery, Suffrage, desegregation, integrating the armed forces, Brown v Board of Education, mixed race marriages, respect and equality for Jews (not in MY country clubIn fact, social conservatives in the USA, led by Christian conservatives, have fought or disagreed with religious diversity, religious equality, abolition of slavery, Suffrage, desegregation, integrating the armed forces, Brown v Board of Education, mixed race marriages, respect and equality for Jews (not in MY country clubin the USA, led by Christian conservatives, have fought or disagreed with religious diversity, religious equality, abolition of slavery, Suffrage, desegregation, integrating the armed forces, Brown v Board of Education, mixed race marriages, respect and equality for Jews (not in MY country clubin MY country club!)

Conservatives and liberals alike have debated the use of faith - development theory in Christian education.1

In my years as a theology professor, as a rare conservative in higher education, I became accustomed to calls for dialogue on this or that issuIn my years as a theology professor, as a rare conservative in higher education, I became accustomed to calls for dialogue on this or that issuin higher education, I became accustomed to calls for dialogue on this or that issue.

But if that is the case, why are there so few public statements, with the «conservative» label attached to them, that tell us exactly what policy should be in the matter of education, welfare provision, environmental protection, planning law, urbanization, infrastructure, and everything else that matters to the ordinary citizen?

A growing coalition of conservative political leaders, religious groups and government officials is leading the attack against publicly supported programs of sex education, school - based health centers, guidance programs in family planning, and other activities designed to address the sexual needs of youth from both a social and a health perspective.

Some conservative Christians have vigorously, even viciously, denounded fellow evangelical Surgeon General C. Everett Koop for suggesting advertisements and education about condoms in the battle against AIDS.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statIn describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

While I'm very sympathetic to Dreher's hope (I teach at a school that advertises itself as Christian), I see something problematic in a kind of greenhouse theory of conservative education in which students are reared and taught within an engineered, not - in - the - world atmosphere.

His «vision of a traditional service infused with English, decorum, and modern education,» writes Michael R. Cohen in his recent book, The Birth of Conservative Judaism, was perfectly compatible with what later became known as «Modern Orthodoxy.»

This community passed a referendum in 2002 and raised the tax rate in the education fund to attract and retain teachers and that conservative budgeting has been the promise back to the community.»

The tendency has been to bog down in fights between the Right and the Left, where conservatives were worried that character education programs were all about teaching mushy diversity and general sort of tolerance, and liberals were worried that character education was about teaching religion and more conservative values.

David Cameron was forced to square up to the grassroots in June after his former education spokesman David Willetts said the Conservative party would not support the building of any new grammar schools.

The spat was about the Conservative Party's position on Education Maintenance Allowances (EMAs), a weekly cash payment for 16 to 18 - year - olds from low income families to help with the costs of staying in eEducation Maintenance Allowances (EMAs), a weekly cash payment for 16 to 18 - year - olds from low income families to help with the costs of staying in educationeducation.

Of course, it is true that population growth of any kind puts pressure on infrastructure, but in reality falling investment in public services represents a political choice by the current Conservative government, which has opted to spend the tax revenues generated by immigrants and refugees on tax cuts for businesses and reducing the deficit rather than expanding healthcare and education provision.

And despite growing support - from India to Sierra Leone - for publicly funded health and education systems modelled on our own, the Conservatives are pushing for private sector provision in DfID's new private sector strategy.

«We see Andrew Cuomo nowhere in our neighborhoods, and he's shifting to the right, which is why he chose (Rochester Mayor) Robert Duffy as his lieutenant governor, who is a former Republican, who's a right - wing and conservative in his approach to education and policing our people.

A teacher rebellion in red states from West Virginia to Arizona has put Republicans on the defensive, forcing them to walk a fine line in the months before midterm elections between placating constituents who are angry over education cuts and conservative supporters who want a smaller government and low taxes.

Conservative columnist Kyle O'Connor takes on a recent measure by the New York State Education Department's Board of Regents that would allow undocumented immigrants to obtain professional licenses, including certification to teach in public schools.

Adonis was also popular with some Opposition politicians, in particular the then - Conservative Education Spokesman Michael Gove, who once declared, «We are on the same page as Andrew Adonis.»

Within months of assuming office, the Conservatives had taken full control of the agenda, rolling out ambitious reform programmes in health, education and welfare.

The Greens are currently claiming on ITV that the collapse in Lib Dem support and switch to them reflects the toxicity of their association with the Conservative Party: #BESFactCheck suggests that it is more likely reflect the fact that voters do not credit the Liberal Democrats with any of the major successes or the failures of the coalition government: fewer than one in five voters believe that the Lib Dems in government have been responsible for the upturn in the economy, changes in the NHS, changes in levels of crime, changes in levels of immigration and changes in the standards of education.

The education secretary put a brave face on the announcement but it is one of the most significant U-turns in the coalition's already lengthy history of them and suggests a new fault - line between the Liberal Democrats and the Conservatives on education policy.

The shadow education secretary said that any decision on whether Lord Archer joined his local Conservative association was up to the local board, saying it would be «crazy» for the party leader to intervene in the proper process of membership.

Higher education doesn't have its own section in the Conservative manifesto, but there are many parts of the Tory agenda with consequences for universities, students and graduates.

One of his most notable actions was to establish a social action programme in the Conservative Party called Project Umubano which delivers education, healthcare and business training in Rwanda and Sierra Leone.

The whole idea of British values may have been conceived by the former Conservative secretary of state for education, Michael Gove, but feelings in his party on the issue are running high.

Amber Rudd (Hastings and Rye): Will the Secretary of State join me in congratulating Conservative - run East Sussex county council, which, after a disappointing grant from the Department for Education, has stepped in with # 12 million of capital that it had not planned to give to ensure that the St Leonards academy is rebuilt to provide better education in Education, has stepped in with # 12 million of capital that it had not planned to give to ensure that the St Leonards academy is rebuilt to provide better education in education in Hastings?

Democrat Christine Pellegrino ran against Conservative Tom Gargiulo, 59, a retired BOCES special education teacher from Babylon, for the 9th District Assembly seat vacated by Joseph Saladino, who resigned in January to be appointed supervisor of the Town of Oyster Bay.

Despite mea culpas and the public backing of his boss, Education Secretary Arne Duncan, Kevin Jennings, a so - called schools czar in the Obama administration, continues to be the target of a conservative campaign against his long - ago actions as a schoolteachers.

Commenting on the proposals for education in the Conservative Party manifesto, Chris Keates, General Secretary of the NASUWT, the largest teachers» union, said:

Earlier this week, the Conservatives warned of an «education apartheid» opening up in English schools, as more and more independent schools offered exams like the IB that were not widely available in the state sector.

«We share the concerns of the public about poverty, jobs and the need to do better in education, but we're bringing Conservative principles to solve those problems.»

As a former party chairman, Pickles will have been relieved that Cameron focused his speech so closely on Conservative values - especially in the areas of education and welfare.