Sentences with phrase «in federalist»

In our federalist society, it is not the burden of North Dakota's citizens to ask Congress in Washington, D.C. to clear up its contradictory and confusing regulations concerning Cannabis; it is their right to grow industrial hemp pursuant to their own state law and the United States Constitution,» adds Steenstra.
There may be no solution to some of these problems because they are inherent in our federalist system.
The least we can say is that JUDICIAL REVIEW as a tool for containing the relatively tame national legislature described in FEDERALIST 10 is not a prominent theme in THE FEDERALIST.
Even the account of judicial review (sort of) in FEDERALIST 78 appears to be mainly a response to the Anti-Federalist author Brutus.
For the reasons for the Electoral College, the argument for its inclusion is given by Alexander Hamilton in the Federalists Papers.

Not exact matches

And there was the underlying mentality of many of the more ardent Euro - federalists in the leading countries, including many British, French and Italians; that the coming together of Europe was a miraculous renascence that would restore to the old continent the headship of the world.
It is possible the process will highlight pre-existing tensions among the remaining EU members — between those states that believe in moving toward a more deeply integrated, federalist structure, and those largely opposed to further transfers of power from national to regional bodies, preferring to maintain the status quo — and in doing so hasten the move to a so - called «two - speed» EU.
That's not to say that Carey doesn't often succeed in highlighting stuff about THE FEDERALIST that its partisans would rather slight.
We are left to ponder whether, in a future case, Kennedy will be swayed more by his Equal Protection proclivities than his federalist convictions.
Her own assessment of the Cold War was to see the anticommunist crusade as an end in itself embedded in McCarthyism, which was an indicator of the growth of populist lawlessness and a breakdown of the federalist balance of powers.
Wills's contention that Madison was a proponent of legislative supremacy among the branches is unconvincing given that it was the overweening power granted legislatures by the state constitutions that Madison and other Federalists sought to avoid at the federal level in the Constitution.
And Amar and others such as his colleague Bruce Ackerman (leaders of what Wills terms the «Yale school of nullification») have been arguing that the Federalists were not altogether successful, leaving room in our constitutional government for exceptional moments of popular intervention on behalf of a fundamental reorientation of American politics.
The primary concern of Brutus is that judicial review is a stealth weapon implicit in the idea of a written Constitution that would be used by the evildoing Federalists to dispower the states.
One reason, maybe, we should teach THE FEDERALIST is to inculcate in our students a VENERATION for the Constitution.
In the event president and Congress agree, it's really unclear that THE FEDERALIST thought of the Court as an effective or even appropriate counterweight.
It's not so clear to me — contra Berkowitz — why anyone who reads THE FEDERALIST would know that the Obama mandate is unconstitutional in a way that would compel our Supreme Court to declare it void.
In teaching THE FEDERALIST, we can't neglect the fact that it's a partisan document, designed both to get the Constitution ratified and spin how it will be interpreted down the road.
So the reason THE FEDERALIST is LIBERAL EDUCATION is that's a great tool for teaching how to follow partisan but deep political arguments in tough — but not that tough (each FEDERALIST is pretty self - contained and short, for one thing)-- texts.
One of the great merits of Banning's meticulous work is to show the divisions that existed among Federalists even as they came together in the movement for a new Constitution.
Most of the suspicious antifederalists were pushing for a Bill of Rights, while the federalists, feeling that rights had been assured in the unamended Constitution, opposed it.
He himself finds it in a «federalist» position that is eerily reminiscent of Dworkin's (or Nozick's) neutral state.
Bork, Arthur contends, is far afield precisely because he grounds his jurisprudence in a moral skepticism and positivism that denies «claims of natural rights» as discovered, for example, in «Jefferson's ringing endorsement of self - evident rights in the Declaration of Independence and the Federalists» insistence on separation of powers and the adoption of the Bill of Rights.»
To engage in such formalistic rhetoric is to ignore the substantive conception of human nature (and of a natural moral law) that informed the political thought of both Federalists and anti-Federalists.
Thus, the «Federalists» «anti-majoritarian bias, and their commitment to neutrality between competing conceptions of the good life, lays the groundwork for a Supreme Court whose commitment to such vague notions as «libertarian dignity under law» makes it the supreme umpire in American life.
My purpose, therefore, is not to provide a systematic critique of the book, but rather to comment on two of its more interesting aspects, namely: (1) its argument that the Federalists, in writing the Constitution, were actually defending the principle of the «neutral» state, and (2) its attempt to apply «neutral state» principles to the issues of abortion, infanticide, and euthanasia.
He makes a strong case that the idea of covenant, drawn from scripture and developed variously in different cultures and societies, is particularly suited to support public, just, pluralistic, federalist structures within the church and in the government.
Such a contrast was stated most vigorously by the early Federalists but was in some form or other accepted by Jeffersonian Democrats as well.
Cameron had caved in to a delegation of «Better off out» Conservative MPs, who said that the EPP was too federalist» Instead, they insisted, an alternative alliance comprising «real» conservatives, especially from the 2004 EU intake in Central and Eastern Europe, could be formed.
If the two George W. Bush replacements in the minority vote as their predecessors did, Clarence Thomas votes the same, and the two Trump - appointed replacements vote in line with the federalist view, that would give a majority in the other direction.
(After all, leading examples of empirical «decentralization» in today's world include China and France, neither one of which would be confused with a constitutionally federalist legal order.)
While not necessarily the best policy, accommodating experiments in the «laboratories of democracy» represents smart politics: it fits with Republican notions of states» rights and federalist self - determination, but is also consistent with the overwhelming support cannabis legalisation enjoys among the Democratic base.
If it is impossible for ordinary Conservative opinion to sit with mainstream European progressive Federalists and Socialists then I am not surprised, we are not like them and if this means there is no democracy for us in Europe then I daresay you are rejoicing.
The other threat to republican virtue in the late eighteenth century, which formed a point of contention especially in the American context between the Federalists and the Anti-Federalists, was the sheer size of the territorial state.
Strength in depth: The Tories think Juncker is too federalist, even though he is a centre - right politician.
He continued: «The foreign secretary himself has called the Lib Dems «the most fanatically federalist party in Britain».
This could be done by renewing the old tradition of European «federalist sovereignty», but in a way that would reinforce rather than impede political agency.
One explanation could be that people can «vote with their feet» in these kinds of federalist countries.
Although the U.S. has a federalist framework, since roughly the administration of Theodore Roosevelt administration and with a larger expansion under FDR, the federal government has been growing in size and scope far beyond what the original framers of the constitution ever intended.
In 2005, when campaigning to become leader, he promised Eurosceptic MPs he would quit the federalist European People's party (EPP).
On Tuesday, retiring Conservative MEP Christopher Beazley announced he was seeking full membership of the federalist European Peoples» Party group in Brussels for his final couple of months there.
Speaking ahead of a rally in Edinburgh, he described Scotland's First Minister Alex Salmond as a «fanatical EU federalist» and challenged him to debate the meaning of «independence» with him ahead of the Scottish referendum in September.
He said he was present at a vote in which it was decided «raving federalist» Luxembourg Prime Minister Jean - Claude Juncker should be the first name discussed as the new European Commission president.
Jean - Claude Juncker, an EU veteran with federalist ambitions, had arrived in Brussels signalling he wanted immediate official backing to succeed Jose Manuel Barroso as European Commission president later this year.
Their euro - federalist stance was clear in secretary of state Hillary Clinton's 2009 interview with The Irish Times.
How often do we hear that the federalists in Brussels are remorselessly transforming the EU into a future United States of Europe, that our national sovereignty is being trampled underfoot and that Britain will cease to be an independent nation?
QUOTE FROM REDWOOD: «they may give us more federalist MPs by tipping the balance in favour of the pro-EU Liberal Democrat or Labour candidate»
They have also shown that by putting some of their better candidates and strongest efforts into opposing Eurosceptic Conservatives in seats the Conservatives can win, they may give us more federalist MPs by tipping the balance in favour of the pro-EU Liberal Democrat or Labour candidate.
«they may give us more federalist MPs by tipping the balance in favour of the pro-EU Liberal Democrat or Labour candidate.»
UKIP will be revealing shortly how Tories have consistently with the federalist chums in the EPP to add to EU red tape and regulations.
But Douglas Carswell, who wants to leave the EU, said: «I hope it's a left - wing federalist who goes native immediately because that will be an important demonstration that we can not win in Europe and when the referendum comes any sensible Conservative will vote to leave.»
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