All - Americans believe that a «pay - as - you - go» society is not ethical
in a democracy such as ours; especially for seniors on fixed incomes.
Yes, money talks to power, but
in a democracy such as ours, votes have the final say.
In a democracy such as Canada, every Canadian citizen has the express right to disagree with public policy.
Not exact matches
Private companies are viewed more favourably than state - owned firms, and the CEOs were lukewarm about the idea of using ownership policy to promote
democracy,
such as limiting the ability of companies based
in undemocratic countries to buy Canadian assets.
«If Mr. Trump is unable to reverse the trend towards increasing social polarization, U.S.
democracy will be at greater risk of further deterioration,» the EIU said
in its report, referring to the extreme divides between Republicans and Democrats on issues
such as immigration and environmental regulation.
In tumultuous times the most important consideration is what values absolutely must remain the same,
such as the sanctity of our
democracy.
Although he has never concealed his own fringe political views —
such as his contention that human freedom and representative
democracy are incompatible — Thiel's open embrace of Trump has inspired some soul - searching
in the proudly progressive technology sector.
And while there are now growing calls
in the country for legislation to protect people's data —
in a bid to steer off the next
democracy - denting Cambridge Analytica scandal, at very least — any
such process will take a lot of political will.
In terms of crafting
such agendas,
democracies seem to be at a disadvantage.
It speaks publicly
in secular, pluralistic
democracies in such a way that its words can be heard and the truths they express can be engaged by everyone.
she's just
such a sick, sick, violently disturbed god - hating nazi fascist felon, i can't help but use her as a prime example why we will prevail
in the largest lawsuit
in the history of our
democracy» «meeting jesus christ is like exquisite s e x u a l delight»
Many of these churches are Presbyterian and Calvinist, the same tradition that played
such a central role
in the rise of
democracy in the West.
In our time, or so the argument runs, liberal
democracy has attained
such extraordinary power and widespread acceptance that it has come to be thought of as the only legitimate form of government.
It is the duty of the Caliph or Imam, the leader
in Islam, to consolidate public opinion, execute judgments, administer state machinery, encourage the faithful
in the practice of their faith,
such as prayers and the religious tax, and look after affairs of public interest with the guidance of a parliamentary
democracy, the basis of government
in Islam.
These are to be distinguished from fraudulent pretenders to the title
such as Colonel Qaddafi's Popular Democratic Republic, the so - called Democratic Republics of the old USSR, etc.) The sociologist Peter Berger, against his own earlier predilections, has shown
in The Capitalist Revolution that among all existing nations capitalism is a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for
democracy.
In a society, however, in which the individual official can not hide behind an anonymous institution, but where one can appeal to an individual conscience, to a person who is ultimately responsible, where one can still distinguish between cause and effect, basic reason and mere symptom, in such a society the true purpose of democracy is fulfille
In a society, however,
in which the individual official can not hide behind an anonymous institution, but where one can appeal to an individual conscience, to a person who is ultimately responsible, where one can still distinguish between cause and effect, basic reason and mere symptom, in such a society the true purpose of democracy is fulfille
in which the individual official can not hide behind an anonymous institution, but where one can appeal to an individual conscience, to a person who is ultimately responsible, where one can still distinguish between cause and effect, basic reason and mere symptom,
in such a society the true purpose of democracy is fulfille
in such a society the true purpose of
democracy is fulfilled.
On the other hand
such personalism iuris divini, which despite its importance can not here be proved theologically, is a principle of resistance against the well - known dangers and shortcomings of
democracy in large societies where self - government by the people, for example, by plebiscite is no longer possible and the representation which takes its place be - comes more and moe autonomous.
The only way
democracy and religion can coexist tolerably well,
such as they do for us
in America, is if we don't really follow the tenets of religion strictly, most of the time.
Today, society beguiles us into doing this; through
such devices as television, bureaucratic organization, and the conformist pressures arising from mass
democracy, it tries ceaselessly to engross us
in illusions of community.
Social darwinism,
such as is exemplified
in our social
democracy has traditionally been the enemy of christianity.
Fortunately, the potential for
such rectification is still present
in all Western
democracies.
If
democracy is to have any relevance and influence
in such a time, the people of the United States and other democratic nations must demonstrate their understanding and practice of democratic ideals
in the field of race relations.
The position taken
in this book is that
such a
democracy is inherently self - defeating,
in part because the unrestrained pursuit of satisfaction tends to breed conflict rather than harmony, but more importantly because human nature is
such that persons and cultures do not grow
in beauty, strength, and virtue when people strive only to get what they want.
This placing of their very lives
in the hands of a strategic elite was like the trust that always had to be granted by
democracies to their military leaders,
such as
in ancient Athens or pre-1950s America; it was unlike it
in the sheer immediacy of the new sort of death - threat and the practical impossibility of evading it.
In such a
democracy, manners are instruments of egocentricity.
In today's pluralistic
democracy no
such uniformity is appropriate.
He concludes that more attention to the Bible did not necessarily mean more virtuous action; that personal engagement with the Bible did result
in self - sacrificing service, but also
in divisive hubris, mistaken interpretations (
such as the identification of America with ancient Israel), and blindness to social evils; and that Protestant spiritual individualism undercut corrupt hierarchies and supported
democracy, but also promoted political excesses and violent anti-Catholicism.
While the Justice made clear his own preference for pro-life public policies, he argued that
in itself
democracy is neutral as between competing positions on issues
such as abortion and euthanasia.
Iran is NOT a
democracy its a «Religious» country, and those who choose to live
in Iran must Live by their Laws, America does nt have the MONEY to be policing the World over each countries Policies, especially when OUR country is
in such critical state to be on Life Support.
In his book Science, Truth and
Democracy, scientific philosopher Philip Kitcher argues that the old way of doing science with its hierarchies, taxonomies and categories,
such as could be applied to species, must be...
Such a comprehensive way is also seen
in the Confucian tradition where Deweyan social
democracy resonates so well.
This Asian authoritarian form of governance with democratic ways today can be seen
in varying degrees
in countries and places
such as Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, and Hong Kong — all with intimate experience of Confucianism.4 Lawyer Randall Perenboom suggests that just as law
in any country must be «context specific,» so also is
democracy.
The presence
in our body politic of
such a party is the only means by which
democracy can be saved from its present moral chaos, from the tyranny of entrenched interests, from the insolence of a predatory officeholding party system, and from the peril of a fascist dictatorship of big business, on the one hand, or of a communist dictatorship of the proletariat, on the other [December 31, 1932].
But that hardly precludes other motivations,
such as a desire to promote freedom and
democracy, which is also
in our interest and the interest of the world.
But if basic
democracy means the attempt to order the common life
in such a way that these conditions are met — and I believe that basic
democracy can be so defined — then the positive relationship between the Christian ethic and political and social
democracy is here affirmed.
He saw the conflict
in contemporary socialism and its immobility
in the face of the crises that confronted it — e.g., its inability to make decisive use of the means of power for its own protection and that of Weimar
democracy as
such — as due to its overdependence on bourgeois presuppositions.
Further, much as he admired the United States — a civilization, he felt, full of reverberations of the realities to which he was trying to point
in Integral Humanism — Maritain never fully grappled with
such classics of American political economy as The Federalist, his fellow Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville's
Democracy in America, or the writings of Abraham Lincoln.
In the last of his three «part series,» Proposing Democracy Anew,» Richard John Neuhaus confusedly presents his position on the separation of church and state, pluralism, religious indifferentism, and the proper content of the public square such that one is unsure whether he is proposing a societal ideal, for which Catholics and all people should perpetually strive, or a merely provisional goal, for which we may now work temporarily, but only in lieu of pursuing directly a greater idea
In the last of his three «part series,» Proposing
Democracy Anew,» Richard John Neuhaus confusedly presents his position on the separation of church and state, pluralism, religious indifferentism, and the proper content of the public square
such that one is unsure whether he is proposing a societal ideal, for which Catholics and all people should perpetually strive, or a merely provisional goal, for which we may now work temporarily, but only
in lieu of pursuing directly a greater idea
in lieu of pursuing directly a greater ideal.
There are also universalistic political faiths
such as Marxism and
democracy which are rooted
in the cultures of particular nations and civilizations, yet which hold the ideal of universal justice.
Today that does not apply
in most
democracies, unfortunately where religions
such as the Muslim and the Hindu reign that picture is a reality.
It is not correct to make
such statements as «Newman left the Church
in 1845» or «the Church is not a
democracy.»
We will claim this as right
in the name of
democracy, while knowing that
such a revolutionary
democracy may not be legitimate and observing that it has not proven itself
democracy in aid of liberty.
Much was made
in the 1990s about the civic institutions that held
such a prominent place
in Democracy in America.
He makes a compelling case that politics without God results
in either authoritarian regimes (
such as those we have recently seen disintegrate all around us) or
in chaotic regimes (which Western
democracies must be ever vigilant to avoid).
Genuine pluralism is a civilizational achievement: the achievement of what Murray called an «orderly conversation» — a conversation about personal goods and the common good, about the relationship between freedom and moral truth, about the virtues necessary to form the kind of citizens who can live their freedom
in such a way as to make the machinery of
democracy serve genuinely humanistic ends.
If and when this mosque is built - and I presume it will since it is truly our freedom that binds and fetters so much as to allow
such a travesty to even be considered - I think that fifty years from now people will wonder at the amazing and complete victory of Al Queda as to completely raze our symbols of
democracy and capitalism and
in its place raise up a mosque.
Croce contrasted the «
democracy of the eighteenth century as mechanical, intellectualist, and abstractly egalitarian, whereas the «liberalism» of the early nineteenth century was personal, idealistic, and historically organic: «The democrats
in their political ideal postulated a religion of quantity, of mechanics, of calculating reason or of nature, like that of the eighteenth century; the liberals, a religion of quality, of activity, of spirituality,
such as that which had risen
in the beginning of the nineteenth century: so that even
in this case, the conflict was one of religious faiths.
It is impossible to separate religious freedom from civil freedom, and there can be no
democracy if the freedom of the citizen is curtailed
in religious matters, for
such curtailing can often take place as a means of silencing political dissent.
Others are less confident of the persistence of
such virtue and seek to craft a
democracy that,
in James Madison's terms, is safe for the unvirtuous (Putnum, 1993).
That
democracy can be made to work, that by the scientific method we can gain mastery over the latent resources of the universe, that trial by jury is practicable, that torture is a foolish method of seeking evidence
in the courts, that chattel slavery is a failure —
such things we take for granted, not because we individually are wiser than our forebears, who disbelieved them all, but because we share
in a social tradition which we did not even help to create, but which has shaped and conformed our thinking with irresistible power.