Sentences with phrase «in a democracy such»

All - Americans believe that a «pay - as - you - go» society is not ethical in a democracy such as ours; especially for seniors on fixed incomes.
Yes, money talks to power, but in a democracy such as ours, votes have the final say.
In a democracy such as Canada, every Canadian citizen has the express right to disagree with public policy.

Not exact matches

Private companies are viewed more favourably than state - owned firms, and the CEOs were lukewarm about the idea of using ownership policy to promote democracy, such as limiting the ability of companies based in undemocratic countries to buy Canadian assets.
«If Mr. Trump is unable to reverse the trend towards increasing social polarization, U.S. democracy will be at greater risk of further deterioration,» the EIU said in its report, referring to the extreme divides between Republicans and Democrats on issues such as immigration and environmental regulation.
In tumultuous times the most important consideration is what values absolutely must remain the same, such as the sanctity of our democracy.
Although he has never concealed his own fringe political views — such as his contention that human freedom and representative democracy are incompatible — Thiel's open embrace of Trump has inspired some soul - searching in the proudly progressive technology sector.
And while there are now growing calls in the country for legislation to protect people's data — in a bid to steer off the next democracy - denting Cambridge Analytica scandal, at very least — any such process will take a lot of political will.
In terms of crafting such agendas, democracies seem to be at a disadvantage.
It speaks publicly in secular, pluralistic democracies in such a way that its words can be heard and the truths they express can be engaged by everyone.
she's just such a sick, sick, violently disturbed god - hating nazi fascist felon, i can't help but use her as a prime example why we will prevail in the largest lawsuit in the history of our democracy» «meeting jesus christ is like exquisite s e x u a l delight»
Many of these churches are Presbyterian and Calvinist, the same tradition that played such a central role in the rise of democracy in the West.
In our time, or so the argument runs, liberal democracy has attained such extraordinary power and widespread acceptance that it has come to be thought of as the only legitimate form of government.
It is the duty of the Caliph or Imam, the leader in Islam, to consolidate public opinion, execute judgments, administer state machinery, encourage the faithful in the practice of their faith, such as prayers and the religious tax, and look after affairs of public interest with the guidance of a parliamentary democracy, the basis of government in Islam.
These are to be distinguished from fraudulent pretenders to the title such as Colonel Qaddafi's Popular Democratic Republic, the so - called Democratic Republics of the old USSR, etc.) The sociologist Peter Berger, against his own earlier predilections, has shown in The Capitalist Revolution that among all existing nations capitalism is a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for democracy.
In a society, however, in which the individual official can not hide behind an anonymous institution, but where one can appeal to an individual conscience, to a person who is ultimately responsible, where one can still distinguish between cause and effect, basic reason and mere symptom, in such a society the true purpose of democracy is fulfilleIn a society, however, in which the individual official can not hide behind an anonymous institution, but where one can appeal to an individual conscience, to a person who is ultimately responsible, where one can still distinguish between cause and effect, basic reason and mere symptom, in such a society the true purpose of democracy is fulfillein which the individual official can not hide behind an anonymous institution, but where one can appeal to an individual conscience, to a person who is ultimately responsible, where one can still distinguish between cause and effect, basic reason and mere symptom, in such a society the true purpose of democracy is fulfillein such a society the true purpose of democracy is fulfilled.
On the other hand such personalism iuris divini, which despite its importance can not here be proved theologically, is a principle of resistance against the well - known dangers and shortcomings of democracy in large societies where self - government by the people, for example, by plebiscite is no longer possible and the representation which takes its place be - comes more and moe autonomous.
The only way democracy and religion can coexist tolerably well, such as they do for us in America, is if we don't really follow the tenets of religion strictly, most of the time.
Today, society beguiles us into doing this; through such devices as television, bureaucratic organization, and the conformist pressures arising from mass democracy, it tries ceaselessly to engross us in illusions of community.
Social darwinism, such as is exemplified in our social democracy has traditionally been the enemy of christianity.
Fortunately, the potential for such rectification is still present in all Western democracies.
If democracy is to have any relevance and influence in such a time, the people of the United States and other democratic nations must demonstrate their understanding and practice of democratic ideals in the field of race relations.
The position taken in this book is that such a democracy is inherently self - defeating, in part because the unrestrained pursuit of satisfaction tends to breed conflict rather than harmony, but more importantly because human nature is such that persons and cultures do not grow in beauty, strength, and virtue when people strive only to get what they want.
This placing of their very lives in the hands of a strategic elite was like the trust that always had to be granted by democracies to their military leaders, such as in ancient Athens or pre-1950s America; it was unlike it in the sheer immediacy of the new sort of death - threat and the practical impossibility of evading it.
In such a democracy, manners are instruments of egocentricity.
In today's pluralistic democracy no such uniformity is appropriate.
He concludes that more attention to the Bible did not necessarily mean more virtuous action; that personal engagement with the Bible did result in self - sacrificing service, but also in divisive hubris, mistaken interpretations (such as the identification of America with ancient Israel), and blindness to social evils; and that Protestant spiritual individualism undercut corrupt hierarchies and supported democracy, but also promoted political excesses and violent anti-Catholicism.
While the Justice made clear his own preference for pro-life public policies, he argued that in itself democracy is neutral as between competing positions on issues such as abortion and euthanasia.
Iran is NOT a democracy its a «Religious» country, and those who choose to live in Iran must Live by their Laws, America does nt have the MONEY to be policing the World over each countries Policies, especially when OUR country is in such critical state to be on Life Support.
In his book Science, Truth and Democracy, scientific philosopher Philip Kitcher argues that the old way of doing science with its hierarchies, taxonomies and categories, such as could be applied to species, must be...
Such a comprehensive way is also seen in the Confucian tradition where Deweyan social democracy resonates so well.
This Asian authoritarian form of governance with democratic ways today can be seen in varying degrees in countries and places such as Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, and Hong Kong — all with intimate experience of Confucianism.4 Lawyer Randall Perenboom suggests that just as law in any country must be «context specific,» so also is democracy.
The presence in our body politic of such a party is the only means by which democracy can be saved from its present moral chaos, from the tyranny of entrenched interests, from the insolence of a predatory officeholding party system, and from the peril of a fascist dictatorship of big business, on the one hand, or of a communist dictatorship of the proletariat, on the other [December 31, 1932].
But that hardly precludes other motivations, such as a desire to promote freedom and democracy, which is also in our interest and the interest of the world.
But if basic democracy means the attempt to order the common life in such a way that these conditions are met — and I believe that basic democracy can be so defined — then the positive relationship between the Christian ethic and political and social democracy is here affirmed.
He saw the conflict in contemporary socialism and its immobility in the face of the crises that confronted it — e.g., its inability to make decisive use of the means of power for its own protection and that of Weimar democracy as such — as due to its overdependence on bourgeois presuppositions.
Further, much as he admired the United States — a civilization, he felt, full of reverberations of the realities to which he was trying to point in Integral Humanism — Maritain never fully grappled with such classics of American political economy as The Federalist, his fellow Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, or the writings of Abraham Lincoln.
In the last of his three «part series,» Proposing Democracy Anew,» Richard John Neuhaus confusedly presents his position on the separation of church and state, pluralism, religious indifferentism, and the proper content of the public square such that one is unsure whether he is proposing a societal ideal, for which Catholics and all people should perpetually strive, or a merely provisional goal, for which we may now work temporarily, but only in lieu of pursuing directly a greater ideaIn the last of his three «part series,» Proposing Democracy Anew,» Richard John Neuhaus confusedly presents his position on the separation of church and state, pluralism, religious indifferentism, and the proper content of the public square such that one is unsure whether he is proposing a societal ideal, for which Catholics and all people should perpetually strive, or a merely provisional goal, for which we may now work temporarily, but only in lieu of pursuing directly a greater ideain lieu of pursuing directly a greater ideal.
There are also universalistic political faiths such as Marxism and democracy which are rooted in the cultures of particular nations and civilizations, yet which hold the ideal of universal justice.
Today that does not apply in most democracies, unfortunately where religions such as the Muslim and the Hindu reign that picture is a reality.
It is not correct to make such statements as «Newman left the Church in 1845» or «the Church is not a democracy
We will claim this as right in the name of democracy, while knowing that such a revolutionary democracy may not be legitimate and observing that it has not proven itself democracy in aid of liberty.
Much was made in the 1990s about the civic institutions that held such a prominent place in Democracy in America.
He makes a compelling case that politics without God results in either authoritarian regimes (such as those we have recently seen disintegrate all around us) or in chaotic regimes (which Western democracies must be ever vigilant to avoid).
Genuine pluralism is a civilizational achievement: the achievement of what Murray called an «orderly conversation» — a conversation about personal goods and the common good, about the relationship between freedom and moral truth, about the virtues necessary to form the kind of citizens who can live their freedom in such a way as to make the machinery of democracy serve genuinely humanistic ends.
If and when this mosque is built - and I presume it will since it is truly our freedom that binds and fetters so much as to allow such a travesty to even be considered - I think that fifty years from now people will wonder at the amazing and complete victory of Al Queda as to completely raze our symbols of democracy and capitalism and in its place raise up a mosque.
Croce contrasted the «democracy of the eighteenth century as mechanical, intellectualist, and abstractly egalitarian, whereas the «liberalism» of the early nineteenth century was personal, idealistic, and historically organic: «The democrats in their political ideal postulated a religion of quantity, of mechanics, of calculating reason or of nature, like that of the eighteenth century; the liberals, a religion of quality, of activity, of spirituality, such as that which had risen in the beginning of the nineteenth century: so that even in this case, the conflict was one of religious faiths.
It is impossible to separate religious freedom from civil freedom, and there can be no democracy if the freedom of the citizen is curtailed in religious matters, for such curtailing can often take place as a means of silencing political dissent.
Others are less confident of the persistence of such virtue and seek to craft a democracy that, in James Madison's terms, is safe for the unvirtuous (Putnum, 1993).
That democracy can be made to work, that by the scientific method we can gain mastery over the latent resources of the universe, that trial by jury is practicable, that torture is a foolish method of seeking evidence in the courts, that chattel slavery is a failure — such things we take for granted, not because we individually are wiser than our forebears, who disbelieved them all, but because we share in a social tradition which we did not even help to create, but which has shaped and conformed our thinking with irresistible power.
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