Sentences with phrase «in less aid»

Then again, there will always be students with great career potential who desire access to high quality education institutions, but have not planned as effectively from a financial perspective or have specific financial or other situations that result in less aid being available to them.

But the governor also said that the state could use the two - month delay to get a better sense of what could be coming from the federal government as President Donald Trump and the Republican Congress craft their own budget, which is anticipated to result in less aid for New York state — especially in terms of support for its sprawling Medicaid program.

Not exact matches

In a similar fashion, the Body Shop got skewered when a magazine article questioned its claims about animal testing, alleged that the company used petrochemicals in some of its «natural» products, and charged that its Trade Not Aid program accounted for less of its supplies than it had claimeIn a similar fashion, the Body Shop got skewered when a magazine article questioned its claims about animal testing, alleged that the company used petrochemicals in some of its «natural» products, and charged that its Trade Not Aid program accounted for less of its supplies than it had claimein some of its «natural» products, and charged that its Trade Not Aid program accounted for less of its supplies than it had claimed.

Though much of the success of craft breweries (which are technically defined as those that make less than 6 million barrels per year) and microbreweries (which make less than 15,000 barrels) can be credited to shifts in public taste, those in the industry say they've learned a few truths along the way that have aided in their success.

They also showed agreement, albeit to a lesser extent, with Flaherty's alternate proposal of an embedded capital tax, where financial institutions could convert debt to equity to aid the financial institution in the event of a crisis instead of using taxpayer dollars.

Slightly less than 45 % of the respondents endorsed a bailout in the survey, which was conducted before Ottawa and Ontario announced a $ 4 - billion aid package.

Earlier this week, Walgreens revealed in regulatory filings that its contract with Rite Aid allowed for the divestiture or closing of up to 1,000 stores, though the company said it expected the total to be less than half that amount.

«Overseas Development Aid from Europe is still focused on former colonies, but it is becoming less and less biased... Colonial links are very strong; it is incredible how strong still are, given the years that have passed,» Ravi Bhatia, a director at Standard & Poor's who specializes in Africa, told CNBC this week.

That action for foreign currency rigging came less than two years after the bank was charged with two felony counts and given a deferred prosecution agreement for aiding and abetting Bernie Madoff in the largest Ponzi fraud in history.

By selecting yes you are confirming that you are a UK taxpayer and understand that if you pay less Income Tax and / or Capital Gains Tax than the amount of Gift Aid claimed on all your donations in that tax year it is your responsibility to pay any difference.

Most Canadians (64 %) say that countries like Canada have a moral responsibility to assist less wealthy nations in development, but one - in - five (21 %) say they personally donate money to overseas aid or charity projects.

Most churches don't want him unless he changes the minute he walks in the door, and then there is the exposure to the Fred Phelps bunch... they're just great at the funeral of an AIDS victim... or other less famous hate mongers.

Being aware of the AIDS statistics in Africa, of the rapid growth of the church there, and of studies that suggest that the promiscuity of African Christians is not markedly less than that of non-Christians, it has concluded that AIDS must be severely affecting the African church and that it is imperative that Adventists give it priority.

Half a century after Independence, as of now, we have the largest population of poor people in the world, one third of our rural population is below the poverty line and despite the UN agencies» massive aid projects, the development assistance of the World Bank, bilateral aid, the Center and State governments» intervention, the gap between the rich and the poor has doubled in the last three decades - fifteen years ago the lowest 20 per cent of global population received 2.5 per cent of global wealth whereas at present, the share has been reduced to less than 1.3 per cent.

Weaver and others add to this by proposing that the U.S. end sanctions on Iraq, pull its troops out of Saudi Arabia, and move toward a more equitable distribution of foreign aid in the Middle East (in particular, less to Israel and more to the Palestinians).

My own demand, consistent with Hardin's logic but less radical in its conclusions, is that we compute available donor aid as a percentage of total food production, and then determine quantitatively the points at which it hurts to help, endangers to help, and finally becomes suicidal to help.

In the case of Hardin's argument, if the calculations revealed that giving aid to certain countries would result in more rather than less disease and death, it would follow then that to do so would be an offense against love and mercIn the case of Hardin's argument, if the calculations revealed that giving aid to certain countries would result in more rather than less disease and death, it would follow then that to do so would be an offense against love and mercin more rather than less disease and death, it would follow then that to do so would be an offense against love and mercy.

As we have seen, increased complexity yields less extension (e.g., the number of pieces analyzable with the aid of common tonal practice is limited) but increased information in a microcosmic setting.

U.S. government leaders and an «objective» press described the Sandinistas in Nicaragua as «communist,» «Marxist,» «Marxist / Leninist,» «totalitarian,» «Cuban - backed,» or «Soviet - backed» so often that few U.S. citizens knew that Sweden was giving more aid to Nicaragua per capita than to any other country or that while Nicaragua does have both a Communist party and a Marxist - Leninist party these two parties together received less than 3 percent of the vote and are distinct from and hostile to the Sandinista party.

Hard just war theory reverses these emphases, replacing them with the following: a presumption against injustice and disorder rather than against war; an assumption that war is tragic but inevitable in a fallen world and that war is a necessary task of government; a tendency to trust the U.S. government and its claims of need for military action; an emphasis on just war theory as a tool to aid policymakers and military personnel in their decisions; an inclination to distrust the efficacy of international treaties and to downplay the value of international actors and perspectives; a less stringent or differently oriented application of some just war criteria; and no sense of common ground with Christian pacifists.

The potential of church groups for aiding in personal growth is seldom recognized and even less often utilized.

The difference is that having a belief that there is a «higher being» who knows what you do in private aids everyone to overcome their selfish underlying motives and behave in a less selfish way.

It's less a problem here as it is in parts of Africa — where Aids is spreading and birth control can help ease the growth (and namely condoms I speak of).

Instead, a dollar's worth of U.S. food aid, once monetized, usually generates considerably less than a dollar in resources.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statIn describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

Hasker's third proposition is that for the problem of divine non-intervention to be a real problem, «we must be able to identify specific kinds of cases in which God morally ought to intervene but does not» Many critics of (traditional) theism probably already have a more or less vague list of such cases, which might include genocidal events, such as the Nazi holocaust and the Rwandan massacre; wars; large - scale natural disasters; conditions of chronic poverty, in which millions of children die from starvation or are permanently stunted because of inadequate protein; the sexual molestation of children, which often leaves them psychologically scarred for the rest of their lives; death preceded by long, painful illnesses, such as cancer or AIDS, or by mind - destroying conditions, such as Alzheimer's disease; and the kinds of events described by Dostoyevski, such as the soldier using his pistol to get a mother's baby to giggle with delight and then blowing its brains out.

Thornton goes on to say, «In the sermon of 1750 Jonathan Mayhew declared the Christian principles of government in the faith of which Washington, ordained by God, won liberty for America, not less for England, and ultimately for the world.3 And quite self - consciously, Thornton tied in the American Revolution with the earlier English Puritan Revolution when he stated, «The name of Hugh Peter reminds us that New England shared in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177In the sermon of 1750 Jonathan Mayhew declared the Christian principles of government in the faith of which Washington, ordained by God, won liberty for America, not less for England, and ultimately for the world.3 And quite self - consciously, Thornton tied in the American Revolution with the earlier English Puritan Revolution when he stated, «The name of Hugh Peter reminds us that New England shared in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177in the faith of which Washington, ordained by God, won liberty for America, not less for England, and ultimately for the world.3 And quite self - consciously, Thornton tied in the American Revolution with the earlier English Puritan Revolution when he stated, «The name of Hugh Peter reminds us that New England shared in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177in the American Revolution with the earlier English Puritan Revolution when he stated, «The name of Hugh Peter reminds us that New England shared in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 1776.

Six months later the prayer group had significantly fewer AIDS illnesses, less frequent doctor visits and days in the hospital.

This helps get more bubbles in your dough and aids in giving it that developed yeasty flavor in less the time.

It's also known to cause less inflammation in the body than regular dairy and helps aid nutrient absorption.

Following their convincing win at Seattle this past weekend (which is one of the toughest places for opposing teams to play in the NFL), the public isn't just drinking the Cincy kool - aid, they're pounding it, with 7 out of 10 bets confident the high - rising Bengals can either win straight up or lose by two or less on the road.

But more than anything, AIDS is making female sport in Botswana, rare to begin with, less and less practicable.

However, Prop 42 will go into effect at a time when federal financial aid for education is drying up; there will be fewer dollars for deserving, underprivileged youngsters who have excelled in the classroom, much less for academically marginal athletes.

This is an incredibly difficult question to answer for a variety of reasons, most importantly because over the years our once vaunted «beautiful» style of play has become a shadow of it's former self, only to be replaced by a less than stellar «plug and play» mentality where players play out of position and adjustments / substitutions are rarely forthcoming before the 75th minute... if you look at our current players, very few would make sense in the traditional Wengerian system... at present, we don't have the personnel to move the ball quickly from deep - lying position, efficient one touch midfielders that can make the necessary through balls or the disciplined and pacey forwards to stretch defences into wide positions, without the aid of the backs coming up into the final 3rd, so that we can attack the defensive lanes in the same clinical fashion we did years ago... on this current squad, we have only 1 central defender on staf, Mustafi, who seems to have any prowess in the offensive zone or who can even pass two zones through so that we can advance play quickly out of our own end (I have seen some inklings that suggest Holding might have some offensive qualities but too early to tell)... unfortunately Mustafi has a tendency to get himself in trouble when he gets overly aggressive on the ball... from our backs out wide, we've seen pace from the likes of Bellerin and Gibbs and the spirited albeit offensively stunted play of Monreal, but none of these players possess the skill - set required in the offensive zone for the new Wenger scheme which requires deft touches, timely runs to the baseline and consistent crossing, especially when Giroud was playing and his ratio of scored goals per clear chances was relatively low (better last year though)... obviously I like Bellerin's future prospects, as you can't teach pace, but I do worry that he regressed last season, which was obvious to Wenger because there was no way he would have used Ox as the right side wing - back so often knowing that Barcelona could come calling in the off - season, if he thought otherwise... as for our midfielders, not a single one, minus the more confident Xhaka I watched played for the Swiss national team a couple years ago, who truly makes sense under the traditional Wenger model... Ramsey holds onto the ball too long, gives the ball away cheaply far too often and abandons his defensive responsibilities on a regular basis (doesn't score enough recently to justify): that being said, I've always thought he does possess a little something special, unfortunately he thinks so too... Xhaka is a little too slow to ever boss the midfield and he tends to telegraph his one true strength, his long ball play: although I must admit he did get a bit better during some points in the latter part of last season... it always made me wonder why whenever he played with Coq Wenger always seemed to play Francis in a more advanced role on the pitch... as for Coq, he is way too reckless at the wrong times and has exhibited little offensive prowess yet finds himself in and around the box far too often... let's face it Wenger was ready to throw him in the trash heap when injuries forced him to use Francis and then he had the nerve to act like this was all part of a bigger Wenger constructed plan... he like Ramsey, Xhaka and Elneny don't offer the skills necessary to satisfy the quick transitory nature of our old offensive scheme or the stout defensive mindset needed to protect the defensive zone so that our offensive players can remain aggressive in the final third... on the front end, we have Ozil, a player of immense skill but stunted by his physical demeanor that tends to offend, the fact that he's been played out of position far too many times since arriving and that the players in front of him, minus Sanchez, make little to no sense considering what he has to offer (especially Giroud); just think about the quick counter-attack offence in Real or the space and protection he receives in the German National team's midfield, where teams couldn't afford to focus too heavily on one individual... this player was a passing «specialist» long before he arrived in North London, so only an arrogant or ignorant individual would try to reinvent the wheel and / or not surround such a talent with the necessary components... in regards to Ox, Walcott and Welbeck, although they all possess serious talents I see them in large part as headless chickens who are on the injury table too much, lack the necessary first - touch and / or lack the finishing flair to warrant their inclusion in a regular starting eleven; I would say that, of the 3, Ox showed the most upside once we went to a back 3, but even he became a bit too consumed by his pending contract talks before the season ended and that concerned me a bit... if I had to choose one of those 3 players to stay on it would be Ox due to his potential as a plausible alternative to Bellerin in that wing - back position should we continue to use that formation... in Sanchez, we get one of the most committed skill players we've seen on this squad for some years but that could all change soon, if it hasn't already of course... strangely enough, even he doesn't make sense given the constructs of the original Wenger offensive model because he holds onto the ball too long and he will give the ball up a little too often in the offensive zone... a fact that is largely forgotten due to his infectious energy and the fact that the numbers he has achieved seem to justify the means... finally, and in many ways most crucially, Giroud, there is nothing about this team or the offensive system that Wenger has traditionally employed that would even suggest such a player would make sense as a starter... too slow, too inefficient and way too easily dispossessed... once again, I think he has some special skills and, at times, has showed some world - class qualities but he's lack of mobility is an albatross around the necks of our offence... so when you ask who would be our best starting 11, I don't have a clue because of the 5 or 6 players that truly deserve a place in this side, 1 just arrived, 3 aren't under contract beyond 2018 and the other was just sold to Juve... man, this is theraputic because following this team is like an addiction to heroin without the benefits

Following up last week's strong football play these guys were able to pick up a 10 - 1 win with the aid of Bradley Holway and Captain Mack Watts who brought in 2 runs apiece and against former # 1 Team Valvassori no less..

Light breast massage all over and Reverse pressure softening can be very helpful to prep your breast for a less painful latch while letting your baby aid in relieving the engorgement.

I bring this up not only because I've been thinking a lot about talking to kids about diversity and privilege in the context of the current election but also because I have heard a number of friends talk recently about not saving for college because it means their kids will get less financial aid.

I confirm I am a UK taxpayer and understand that if I pay less Income Tax and / or Capital Gains Tax than the amount of Gift Aid claimed on all my donations in that tax year it is my responsibility to pay any difference.

less than or equal to lamivudine Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome Antiretroviral therapy, usually means 1 - 2 drugs, used in early studies Antiretroviral zidovudine (also known as ZDV) Breastfeeding Baby Friendly Hospital Initiative Breastfeeding and HIV International Transmission Study Combined antiretroviral therapy Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Deoxyribonucleic Acid Exclusive Breastfeeding Enzyme Linked Immunosorbent Assay Food and Agrigulture Organization Fixed dose combination ART, e.g., lamividine, stavudine, and nevirapine Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy, 3 or more drugs for more effective treatment used in later studies Human Immunodeficiency virus International Atomic Energy Agency Infant feeding Infant and young child feeding Lopinavir cubic millimetre Mother - to - Child Transmission of HIV Non-governmental organization Nevirapine Polymerase Chain Reaction People Living with HIV Prevention of Mother - to - Child Transmission Replacement Feeding Ritonavir Ribonucleic acid, one of the three major macromolecules (along with DNA and proteins) that are essential for all known forms of life single dose NVP United Nations Agencies Joint United Nations Programme on HIV / AIDS United Nations Population Fund United Nations Commissioner for Refugees United Nations Children's Fund U.S. Agency for International Development World Alliance for Breastfeeding Action United Nations World Food Programme World Health Assembly WHO 2010 Guidelines on HIV and infant feeding World Health Organization Zidovudine (same drug as AZT)

We will focus on the pre-existing factors that are linked to PTG, as well as on practices individuals can develop prior to (or following) a traumatic birth that may aid in a less distressing experience.

Studies have shown that a protein in human milk aids in brain development, and breast - fed babies are less likely to get gastrointestinal infections and diarrhea, respiratory and ear infections or more serious diseases such as pneumonia, and there is a lower risk of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome.

They are the ultimate foods for weaning, aid in digestion and are less likely to cause allergies.

The Ben & Jerry's decision, unless (as my NMS colleague Soren Dayton pointed out) it's being driven by some kind of U.K. - specific restrictions that make email marketing less effective, seems to reflect one of two things: either a bean - counter followed the instinct to cut costs in the short term regardless of the long - term consequences, or a marketing executive took a big drink of the social media Kool Aid.

It aided the Arab Spring, has been a constant thorn in the side of the Chinese authorities, has given Vladimir Putin and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad slight cause for concern, and it helped to organise the less - constructive London riots.

In Oregon, the company took state aid to create jobs — then hired prison labor for less than $ 1 an hour.

That could leave the state with billions less in state aid.

Local school districts are preparing for another tight budget season this year, with minimal state aid increases projected in Gov. Andrew Cuomo's tentative spending plan and a cap of less than 2 percent on tax levy growth.

He says schools saw a record increase in state aid in the state budget, and no school has been punished with less state funding for not enacting the new teacher evaluations.

This could mean less money for costly items in the spending plan like school aid, which increased this year by more than 6 percent.

Mr. de Blasio argued for less restrictive balloting and petition laws, and called for «free legal aid» for candidates less versed than him in the arcane intricacies of City election law.