Sentences with phrase «in liberal culture»

Calling them right wing hysterics (according to the mythology of what McCarthyite means in liberal culture code) is about as sure fire a way to wake up editors at the NYTimes and rest of the MSM etc..

So church religion «fills in some of the gaps people perceive in liberal culture.»

Fowler may seem too content with words like «escape,» «evade,» «fill gaps» and «refuge» to describe religion's role in a liberal culture.

At first glance, this answer is scandalous in a liberal culture, which promises freedom for freedom's sake, limited only by external considerations of public utility and to prevent harm to others.

In an unexpected way, the metaphysical materialism that characterized Marxism has re-emerged after its collapse in a new form, as the ideology of the leadership class in liberal culture.

Not exact matches

Kashuv has become part of a culture war far bigger and older than him taking place between liberals and conservatives over one of the most divisive issues in America.

Several disgruntled former employees have expressed concerns about «groupthink» being ingrained in what is widely known as a hyper - liberal company culture value system where expressions of other views are not welcome and can lead to being ostracized or being shown the door.

This set - apart identity gives bishops and priests a remarkable capacity to sustain their sense of self - importance independent of trends in culture (something liberal Catholics often find exasperating).

In refusing to impose the details of justice from afar the liberal political cultures would not be abandoning principles, for «self - determination» in the political sense is not just a principle of modern democracIn refusing to impose the details of justice from afar the liberal political cultures would not be abandoning principles, for «self - determination» in the political sense is not just a principle of modern democracin the political sense is not just a principle of modern democracy.

Finally, while broader trends in American culture might seem closer to the ideals of liberal Protestants than their evangelical counterparts, I think both groups simply now find themselves on the margins of an American culture that seems out of synch with either brand of Protestant Christianity.

Religion, and Christian communities in particular, can and should, says the author, model the civic culture for which he hopes - a culture that will retrieve and rehabilitate the best of the liberal Enlightenment tradition.

Schickel's work» represented here by 175 full - color photographs» brings us face - to - face with the concerns of our own culture war, especially as it is manifested in clashes between traditionalists and liberals in the Church over the past three decades.

Robert Wuthnow of Princeton is among the students of American religion who have incisively analyzed the ways in which all the churches are split along a left - right, liberal - conservative divide, mirroring the divides within our general culture.

The liberal churches need their own particular language of faith to communicate with the cultured despisers of the modern world, in a manner that lays claim upon the self and the community.»

Protestant liberals were bent on proving that genuine Christian faith could live in mutual harmony with the modern developments in science, technology, immigration, communication and culture that were already under way.

Today «liberal Protestnatism» usually refers to Protestant movements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that responded to the increasingly secular and atheist character of the dominant forms of European culture.

Yet it is surely a sign of the impoverishment of common culture and the common good — and an index of the degree to which liberal order has succeeded in establishing itself as both — that we are virtually required to equate love of country with devotion to the animating philosophy of the regime rather than to, say, the tales of our youth, the lay of the land and the bend in the road, and «peace and quiet and good tilled earth.»

He argues that «liberal» and «conservative» voices in the church tend to mimic the groups that share those labels in the wider political culture.

In the current culture wars, religious liberals tend to ally themselves with the educational establishment against those on the Religious Right who are attacking the public schools.

He seems to assume that Christian culture and politics in other parts of the world can be understood through categories derived from the past 200 years of Western liberal democracy and misses the fact that these communities have histories of their own.

While Crosby's interest in this article is limited to Tertullian's quandary (and our own) of relating the elements of the Christian university, that is, philosophy, literature, history, and the liberal arts, to the life of redemption and faith, the underlying issue at stake seems easily to extend beyond intellectual culture.

Niebuhr also observed that those calling for a new synthesis of Christ and culture on a neo-Thomist basis had, in fact, more in common than they realized with the accommodating liberal culture - Protestants they deplored.

At times, it seems that the purpose of listening is simply to occupy the time until Muslims, for example, make the same transitions that Catholics and Protestants did centuries earlier so as to «find themselves increasingly at home in a dynamic, liberal, and capitalist world that is full of many faiths and many cultures.»

In The Dying of the Light, Burtchaell surveys 17 church - related colleges and concludes that the liberal accommodation of culture led, in the words of his subtitle, to the «disengagement of colleges and universities from their Christian churches.&raquIn The Dying of the Light, Burtchaell surveys 17 church - related colleges and concludes that the liberal accommodation of culture led, in the words of his subtitle, to the «disengagement of colleges and universities from their Christian churches.&raquin the words of his subtitle, to the «disengagement of colleges and universities from their Christian churches.»

We want to fill our culture again with the Christian spirit... We want to burn out all the recent immoral developments in literature, in the theater, and in the press — in short, we want to burn out the poison of immorality which has entered into our whole life and culture as a result of liberal excess during the past... (few) years.»

The upshot is the suppression of political debate about the common good, which is why thorough - going libertarians are such a destructive force in our political culture, perhaps as much so as contemporary liberals whose main vice is the serene smugness that assumes that all we have left is administration because everybody worth talking to already agrees with them about first principles.

Christian writers like Augustine connected to the moral and spiritual aims of the liberal arts while resisting the way in which it shaped the child for a culture that was not essentially Christian.

But their ability to carry the day has been limited by broader cleavages in the culture that put them against religious liberals on all these issues.

Book Review: Unconventional Partners: Religion and Liberal Culture in the United States, by Robert Booth Fowler.

By contrast, although Europe has such outstanding figures as Leszek Kolakowski, Hans Maier and Josef Ratzinger, its public culture is dominated by sneering secularists, who set the tone for the rest of the population and can make light work of the average bishop rolled out to confound them, especially in the case of Anglican bishops who share so much liberal common ground.

The Benedictus College of the liberal arts in London is now offering a one - year foundation programme in European culture and thought as a prelude to its full degree programme.

In our view, a liberal arts approach also emphasises a respect for the past; the significance of grammar, logic and rhetoric; and the notion, popularised by the historian Christopher Dawson, that ideas develop within cultures, which means that a grand narrative must necessarily underpin the curriculum.

Soviet spies were of the left generally, they supported liberal causes, they defended the Soviet Union in all circumstances, they were often secret members of the Communist Party, they were uniformly suspicious of American initiatives throughout the world, they could be contemptuous of American democracy, society, and culture, and, above all, their offenses were often minimized or explained away by apologists who felt that no man should be called traitor who did what he did for the cause of humanity.

As I stated earlier, liberal Christianity is a middle road between Christ and culture in that it seeks to understand culture, not remove itself from modern science or the arts.

It was inevitable, perhaps, that the «culture wars» — the debate that continues to rage over the impact of political correctness, multiculturalism, and their allied ideologies — would spawn a genre of liberal apologetics designed to exonerate liberalism itself from its role in abetting the establishment of radical doctrine as a mandatory standard of judgment in mainstream cultural life.

In their heyday, it was possible to be a liberal in politics, a socialist in economics, and a conservative in culture, all at the same time — which is how Daniel Bell characterized himself in The Cultural Contradictions of CapitalisIn their heyday, it was possible to be a liberal in politics, a socialist in economics, and a conservative in culture, all at the same time — which is how Daniel Bell characterized himself in The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalisin politics, a socialist in economics, and a conservative in culture, all at the same time — which is how Daniel Bell characterized himself in The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalisin economics, and a conservative in culture, all at the same time — which is how Daniel Bell characterized himself in The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalisin culture, all at the same time — which is how Daniel Bell characterized himself in The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalisin The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism.

The leading figures of liberal Catholicism were people deeply and permanently rooted in the Catholic tradition who were, nevertheless, also deeply at home in cultures shaped by the Enlightenment.

To a point, however, accommodation to culture is appropriate to the liberal church, particularly in attempting to understand the Christian faith from the perspective and insights of the arts and sciences of the time.

The outrage in Arizona has sparked another cycle of mutual recriminations between liberals and conservatives that points up what seems to be a growing chasm running through our political culture.

The freedom agenda, whether the liberal one in culture or the conservative one in economics, has dissolved much of what gave the postwar era its stability.

Liberal Christianity shared the belief in progress that came to dominate the culture.

The rise of McCarthyism, according to Lasch, confirmed in the minds of many liberal critics like Hofstadter that mass movements mask ingrained hatred of the other and therefore control must be taken from the people and the folk cultures they foster.

If the liberal religious tradition is to regain its place as a vital force in modem culture, the two tendencies of the postmodernist temper, which Nathan A. Scott, Jr., has isolated as «negative capability» (a «disinclination to try to subdue or resolve what is recalcitrantly indeterminate and ambiguous») and the «self reflexive» (a «retreat from the public world»), must be overcome.

In my judgment, Hargrove is diagnostically wrong in locating American culture wholly within the parameters of liberal individualism and morally and politically wrong in arguing that «teaching reality» must automatically confine itself to culturally established borderIn my judgment, Hargrove is diagnostically wrong in locating American culture wholly within the parameters of liberal individualism and morally and politically wrong in arguing that «teaching reality» must automatically confine itself to culturally established borderin locating American culture wholly within the parameters of liberal individualism and morally and politically wrong in arguing that «teaching reality» must automatically confine itself to culturally established borderin arguing that «teaching reality» must automatically confine itself to culturally established borders.

In a powerful 1940 article Niebuhr protested that America's dominant liberal culture was too appeasing and moralistic to fathom «what it means to meet a resolute foe who is intent upon either your annihilation or enslavement.»

And in almost exactly the same way, when the Pope condemned both materialism in thepolitical culture of the West and secularism within the Catholic Church in Western Europe and North America, he was condemned by liberals within the Church as someone who lacked the sophistication to understand the complexities of life in the West.

For Christians in America, however far and for however long they may have strayed, the journey from liberal culture to conservatism is essentially a journey back home, where, so to speak, there are a multitude of loving arms to enfold them.

Liberal scholars looked for culture - affirming eternal truths in scripture and otherwise deconstructed the canonical text into historical - critical fragments.

In terms of the former, liberal Protestants were concerned about unbridled consumerism and an emerging mass culture while neo-evangelicals sought to buttress a world and life view that curbed socialism and a confessionless moralism on the part of liberal Protestants.

In brief, my response to this fundamental affirmation of liberal Protestantism would he that the idea of the ultimate value and reality of the individual is historically limited to the classical period of modern Western culture, and that it can have neither a living meaning nor a truly human form in a post-modern or post-liberal period of historIn brief, my response to this fundamental affirmation of liberal Protestantism would he that the idea of the ultimate value and reality of the individual is historically limited to the classical period of modern Western culture, and that it can have neither a living meaning nor a truly human form in a post-modern or post-liberal period of historin a post-modern or post-liberal period of history.