Sentences with phrase «in the abortion limit»

Campaigners for a reduction in the abortion limit from 24 to 20 weeks received a blow today as a report suggested increases in survival rates of premature babies was so slight it could be down to chance.

12:25 - Tory MP Mark Pritchard calls for a reduction in the abortion limit.

«I'll continue to support a modest reduction in the abortion limit.

Not exact matches

Although the charges were ultimately dismissed, pro-choice activists believe that there will be more cases like it as access to abortion becomes more limited in the U.S.

Despite the push by pro-life groups to limit abortion, the procedure remains legal in the U.S.

Kennedy will once again be the swing vote, and it's uncertain how he'll decide when he hears the case in court; in the past, he has supported limits on abortion.

The Roe decision created an absolute right to abortion during the first trimester of pregnancy and allowed only for very limited regulation of abortion even late in pregnancy.

The religious among us keep trying to chip away at the separation of church and state by making people recite the pledge of allegiance with the God clause, installing religious symbols and displays on public property, holding prayer breakfasts for politicians, berating the removal of prayer in public schools, trying to pass laws limiting women's access to birth control, and trying to get an amendment passed outlawing abortion (since in their view God creates a soul the moment a sperm enters an egg).

Look it up for yourself: the GOP has cut school lunch programs, Aid to dependent children, Planned Parenthood health care which provides medical care for expectant mothers (under the guise that they perform a limited number of abortions annually), Medicare programs which provides health care to the children who were born in the past because they weren't aborted, WIC which provides food to Women, Infants and Children... one could go on.

She added: «We recognize that there are difficulties women face with pregnancies, especially in cases where the unborn child may be born with a life - limiting disease, but we do not believe that abortion is the answer, and that funding for a free abortion in another country is short - sighted as it neglects any mention of an offer of counselling or care for the woman.»

It was that consensus that unraveled in the debates over Vietnam, civil rights, abortion, sexual morality, women's issues, and the limits of tolerance.

In Poland, abortion is mostly limited to cases of incest, rape or when the mother's life is medically threatened, but the number of illegal abortions is thought to be very high.

Most of the countries where abortion is illegal also suffer from widespread poverty and limited access to contraception — huge drivers in the abortion rate.

One of my friends was notably shocked when she heard that abortion still has an upper limit of 24 weeks in the UK.

The legal limit is 24 weeks - unless there's a risk the child may be disabled when born - in which case abortion is allowed «up to birth».

The fact is abortions are done in the real world for a very limited number of reasons.

She told the Mail on Sunday: «Instead of listening to lobby groups, the BMA should be listening to British women, 70 per cent of whom want the abortion time limit to be lowered from the current 24 weeks limit - one of the highest in the Western world.»

Whereas BAIPA protects the right to life of the child who survives an abortion, the Pennsylvania act protects the child who could survive an abortion, making it criminal in most cases to abort the child and, where an abortion is permissible within narrow limits, requiring doctors to treat the child as a second patient who should be brought into the world alive and unharmed if possible.

As we read this history, the furor over stem cells was fueled by numerous factors: the near - universal human desire for magic; patients» desperation in the face of illness and their hope for cures; the belief that biology can now do anything; the reluctance of scientists to accept any limits (particularly moral limits) on their research; the impact of big money from biotech stocks, patents, and federal funding; the willingness of America's elite class to use every means possible to discredit religion in general; and the need to protect the unlimited abortion license by accepting no protections of unborn human life.

Regarding abortion — we know that laws in some states have been affected emanating from religious sources that have limited access to facilities.

In Guttmacher's analysis, they found that the decline of abortions is because of the availability of effective, affordable birth control and the abortion restrictions that have limited women's access.

Overturning a lower court's decision that ruled that the laws unconstitutionally limited access to abortion in the state, New Orleans - based 5th Circuit Court of Appeals judges wrote, «on its face does not impose an undue burden on the life and health of a woman.»

He says the survey shows that the dominant media narrative that the current abortion limit of 24 weeks is fine is not reflective of the views of women and society in general and therefore needs to be changed.

A new survey has found that seven in ten women would like to see the time limit for abortion reduced.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statIn describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

«Another 10 percent surveyed in the poll volunteered they would prefer to outlaw abortion in the United States altogether or limit it earlier than 20 weeks after fertilization,» the Post reports.

«If you can't persuade, silence,» tweeted Karen Swallow Prior, professor and pro-life activist who recently recalled her own encounter with the limits of liberal free speech when protesting abortion in the 1980s and»90s.

State lawmakers passed the second - highest number of abortion restrictions ever this past year, with 19 states enacting 43 measures in 2012 that limited access to abortion services, according to the Guttmacher Institute.

In 2007 it urged Poland «to ensure that women seeking legal abortion have access to it, and that their access is not limited by the use of the conscientious objection clause.»

The discussion highlighted the need for a substantive parliamentary debate on the current abortion legislation since medical science and practice is raising serious questions over when the foetus becomes viable outside the womb, the current twenty - four week limit for «social» abortion and the growing number of doctors in the UK who are refusing to perform abortions because of the aforementioned.

Debra Evans, a childbirth educator and lactation consultant with a degree in reproductive health, explains in her book, «Without Moral Limits,» how abortion is just a new kind of prostitution.

He has also spoken out in defence of his own, elite schooling, supports tax breaks for married couples and has indicated that he would like to see a modest reduction in the legal time - limit for abortions.

With the devolution of abortion law now finalised, there is a danger that this unofficial time limit of 18 - 20 weeks, could be officially lowered and enshrined in law.

In the last few years there has been a spate of academic research revealing that abortion for non-medical reasons is generally not provided in Scotland after 18 - 20 weeks, despite the stipulation of a 24 week upper time limit in the 1967 Abortion AcIn the last few years there has been a spate of academic research revealing that abortion for non-medical reasons is generally not provided in Scotland after 18 - 20 weeks, despite the stipulation of a 24 week upper time limit in the 1967 Abortabortion for non-medical reasons is generally not provided in Scotland after 18 - 20 weeks, despite the stipulation of a 24 week upper time limit in the 1967 Abortion Acin Scotland after 18 - 20 weeks, despite the stipulation of a 24 week upper time limit in the 1967 Abortion Acin the 1967 AbortionAbortion Act.

In 2013 it ignored a recommendation to provide a national abortion service and opted instead to leave the matter of time limits to individual health boards, resulting in the continuing disparity of abortion provision in the countrIn 2013 it ignored a recommendation to provide a national abortion service and opted instead to leave the matter of time limits to individual health boards, resulting in the continuing disparity of abortion provision in the countrin the continuing disparity of abortion provision in the countrin the country.

Staten Island DA Dan Donovan has said he's pro-life, but has also pledged to uphold state laws on abortion and not seek to criminalize or limit access it in any way.

Rep. Louise Slaughter, who has never been one for mincing words, particularly when it comes to women's issues, likened Republican efforts to limit access to abortion in the budget battle to «an old German Nazi move,» and accused her colleagues across the aisle of wanting to «kill women.»

In 2008, when Parliament last looked at the upper limit for abortion, 67 per cent of the public agreed that if the limit was not reduced, then Parliament «should tighten up the rules on early abortion to discourage so many from taking place each year».

Cenedella, described by an adviser as a lifelong Republican who favors limits on legalized abortion, opposes gay marriage and backs the death penalty, is in ongoing talks about his candidacy with E. O'Brien Murray, a GOP consultant who managed Bob Turner's stunning victory in the special election for the Brooklyn / Queens congressional seat left vacant by Anthony Weiner's resignation in June.

Nuttall is in favour of limiting abortions to the first 12 weeks of pregnancy.

Field believes in reducing the time - limit within which women can have an abortion, [36] and in stripping abortion providers such as Marie Stopes of their counselling role and handing it to organisations not linked to abortion clinics.

Spain is about to criminalise abortion; politicians in the UK repeatedly attempt to reduce the 24 - week limit; and today in Brussels, parliamentarians are examining an initiative that if successful would block European Commission development funding for maternal health.

Senators Diane Savino, Jose Peralta, Tony Avella, Jessie Hamilton, David Carlucci, Marisol Alcantara and David Valesky discuss adding the protections for a woman's right to choose abortion in the Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade decision into state law, enacting the Dream Act, which would allow the children of undocumented immigrants to receive college aid, a law to protect the rights of transgender New Yorkers, and putting limits on the amount of money donors can give to campaigns, among other items.

[54] He was the mover of an amendment to the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 2008 in the 2005 — 2010 parliament, which sought to reduce the term - limit for abortions from 24 weeks to 16 weeks.

Fears include dismantling of the state constitution's «Forever Wild» land protection in the Adirondacks, and limiting a woman's right to choose abortion.

Farron abstained from votes on abortion three times in 2008 (when Theresa May voted for the proposal to reduce the limit to 20 weeks), then abstained again in 2011, 2015 and 2017.

The most troubling instance was in 2006, when he voted to reduce the abortion limit to 21 weeks and introduce compulsory counselling to women wanting one.

NARAL Pro-Choice NY is stepping up its crusade against the GOP attorney general candidate, Staten Island DA Dan Donovan, releasing a Web video and a site that paints him as the next in a line of attorneys general outside New York that have sought to limit abortion rights at the state level.

In a dramatic vote in the Commons last year, MPs voted to keep the abortion limit at 24 weekIn a dramatic vote in the Commons last year, MPs voted to keep the abortion limit at 24 weekin the Commons last year, MPs voted to keep the abortion limit at 24 weeks.

Amended and tentatively passed by the state Senate in one day in a 27 - 14 vote without any support from state Democrats, the bill would limit insurance coverage for abortions, require doctors to be present for the entire procedure, make gender - selective abortions illegal and require abortion clinics to meet the same licensing standards as surgical centers.