Sentences with phrase «including poor and minority children»

Not exact matches

(vi) engage particularly with groups of fathers who previously have been excluded from services and whose children are at risk of poor outcomes — including young fathers and black and minority ethnic fathers;

Some of the potential causes of poor breastfeeding outcomes among black and Puerto Rican women include breastfeeding ambivalence (7), the availability of free formula from the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC)(8), a high level of comfort with the idea of formula feeding (9), limited availability and lower intensity of WIC breastfeeding support for minority women (10, 11), and issues surrounding trust building and perceived mistreatment by providers (12).

The Forum declared that Education for All must take account of the needs of the poor and the disadvantaged, including working children, remote rural dwellers and nomads, ethnic and linguistic minorities, children, young people and adults affected by HIV and AIDS, hunger and poor health, and those with disabilities or special needs.

Two weeks later, the senators settled on a complicated formula that required states to calculate an overall performance grade for a school based on several factors, including improving test scores for poor and minority children.

More importantly, the most - successful efforts to expand school choice (including Virginia Walden Ford's work in Washington, D.C., Steve Barr's work with Latino communities in Los Angeles, and Parent Revolution's Parent Trigger efforts), have been ones led by poor and minority communities who explicitly made the case for helping their own children escape failure mills that damaged their families for generations.

What Kline essentially proposes to do is allow states and districts to spend federal education subsidies as they see fit without being accountable for providing all children — including those from poor and minority backgrounds — with high - quality teaching and comprehensive college - preparatory curricula.

Because the purpose of Title 1 is to provide additional support for children from poor and minority backgrounds, any use of the subsidies for general school operations (including for kids from the middle class) is a violation of federal law.

This includes 20,000 teachers, including some 1,000 teachers working in traditional public and public charter schools thanks to Teach for America, who are helping poor and minority children gain the knowledge they need for lifelong success.

The No Child Left Behind Act in 2001 included language requiring states to «ensure that poor and minority students are not taught at higher rates than other children by inexperienced, unqualified, or out - of - field teachers.»

As Dropout Nation has pointed out ad nauseam since the administration unveiled the No Child waiver gambit two years ago, the plan to let states to focus on just the worst five percent of schools (along with another 10 percent or more of schools with wide achievement gaps) effectively allowed districts not under watch (including suburban districts whose failures in serving poor and minority kids was exposed by No Child) off the hook for serving up mediocre instruction and curricula.

He also finds it particularly interesting that Common Core foes say they want high - quality education for all children, yet fail to consider that their opposition to the standards hurts poor and minority kids as well as middle class white and Asian children in suburbia, both of which have few options — including vouchers and charter schools — to which they can avail in order to get high - quality education.

Among the characteristics shared by urban schools include large class sizes, social and disciplinary problems, a large percentage of poor and minority children, and little involvement from parents compared to their suburban counterparts.

As Dropout Nation has noted ad nauseam, few of the accountability systems allowed to replace No Child's Adequate Yearly Progress provision are worthy of the name; far too many of them, including the A-to-F grading systems put into place by such states as New Mexico (as well as subterfuges that group all poor and minority students into one super-subgroup) do little to provide data families, policymakers, teachers, and school leaders need to help all students get high - quality education.

This isn't to say that these officials don't care about these children, but that they are disinterested in taking on the tough work needed to overhaul districts and schools in order provide kids with the schools they deserve — which includes challenging the soft bigotry of low expectations for poor and minority kids held by far too many adults working in American public education in Virginia and the rest of the nation, and the affiliates of the National Education Association which has succeeded for so long in keeping the Old Dominion's status quo quite ante.

But the administration approved efforts by other states, including Tennessee and Michigan, to define proficiency down for poor and minority children.

Education Trust and a cadre of civil rights groups (including the United Negro College Fund and NAACP) deserve praise for issuing a statement today calling for a reauthorization of No Child that effectively keeps in place the Adequate Yearly Progress provisions that have shined light on the consequences of the nation's education crisis on children from poor and minority households.