Not exact matches
This narrowed the racial
income gap between these
households and their
white counterparts.
High -
income households, meanwhile, will pay much more in taxes under a Clinton
White House.
When all sorts of
household income are included,
white lawmakers and their spouses brought in an average of $ 274,007 in 2015, double the $ 139,270 earned by their African - American colleagues and the $ 133,998 brought in by their Latino counterparts.
The average
white legislator lived in a
household income that was 10.7 times their county's living wage, based on cost of living estimates created by a Massachusetts Institute of Technology professor.
Fifty - six per cent of the Pakistani and Bangladeshi population live in low -
income households compared to 19 per cent of the
white population, it notes.
For example, the chance that a
white woman or girl will become obese increases as her
household income decreases.
We report separately on the opinions of the public, teachers, parents, African Americans, Hispanics,
white respondents with
household incomes below $ 75,000,
white respondents with
household incomes of $ 75,000 or more,
white respondents without a four - year college degree,
white respondents with a four - year college degree, and self - identified Democrats and Republicans.
For instance, in 1999, the median
income of an African American
household was $ 46,580 compared to $ 101,371 for a
white household.
The average black
household income in 1955 ($ 2,890) was 55 percent of that of
white households ($ 5,228).
The Baltimore groups consisted of
white parents who were divided into two groups — one group of parents with college degrees and
household incomes of $ 75,000 and higher, and the second group consisted of
white parents without college degrees and
household incomes of $ 50,000 and lower.
According to Prosperity Now, a national nonprofit to expand economic opportunity for low -
income families, and the Institute for Policy Studies, a progressive think tank,
white households have seven times the amount of wealth as African Americans, and six times as much as Latinos.
Teachers College of Columbia University did a study that found the typical opt out activist — the target of the Long Island teachers group — is «a highly educated,
white, married, politically liberal parent whose children attend public school and whose
household median
income is well above the national average.»
A report last summer from Columbia University depicted the «the typical opt out activist» as «a highly educated,
white, married, politically liberal parent whose children attend public school and whose
household median
income is well above the national average.»
typical opt out activist» as «a highly educated,
white, married, politically liberal parent whose children attend public school and whose
household median
income is well above the national average.»
«The data... make it clear that rising concentrations of low -
income households have depressed achievement more consistently in predominantly
white communities in central and southern Illinois than in other parts of the State.
The concept of an achievement gap dates back to the 1960s and focuses on the differences in educational outcomes by race (between
white children and children of color) and socioeconomic status (between children from low -
income and higher
income households).
Once census tracts were categorized as predominantly black,
white, or Hispanic, we used census tract - level median
household income from the U.S. Census Bureau alongside the Zillow Home Value Index (ZHVI) and Zillow Rent Index (ZRI) to calculate rent and mortgage burdens in census tracts.
Nationwide and in many metro markets, rent in black and Hispanic communities consumes a much larger share of
household income than in
white communities, widening the great divide that already exists between
white America and communities of color.
Referencing investigative journalist John Pilger from his 2006 book Freedom Next Time, O» Toole states that «while the average
white household income in South Africa has risen by 15 % in the post-apartheid period, the average black
household income has fallen by 19 %.»
These included characteristics on multiple levels of the child's biopsychosocial context: (1) child factors: race / ethnicity (
white, black, Hispanic, and Asian / Pacific Islander / Alaska Native), age, gender, 9 - month Bayley Mental and Motor scores, birth weight (normal, moderately low, or very low), parent - rated child health (fair / poor vs good / very good / excellent), and hours per week in child care; (2) parent factors: maternal age, paternal age, SES (an ECLS - B — derived variable that includes maternal and paternal education, employment status, and
income), maternal marital status (married, never married, separated / divorced / widowed), maternal general health (fair / poor versus good / very good / excellent), maternal depression (assessed by the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale at 9 months and the World Mental Health Composite International Diagnostic Interview at 2 years), prenatal use of tobacco and alcohol (any vs none), and violence against the mother; (3)
household factors: single - parent
household, number of siblings (0, 1, 2, or 3 +), language spoken at home (English vs non-English), neighborhood good for raising kids (excellent / very good, good, or fair / poor),
household urbanicity (urban city, urban county, or rural), and modified Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment — Short Form (HOME - SF) score.
& nbspThe population of
White Plains is 58,459 people with 21,877
households and a median annual
income of $ 80,442..
The majority of the participants were
white (n = 77, 86.5 %), Afrikaans speaking (n = 57, 64 %), their parents were still married (n = 70, 78.7 %), well - educated (n = 72, 80.9 % of fathers and n = 67, 75.3 % of mothers obtained tertiary education) and fell in the middle to higher
income group (n = 54, 60.7 % of participants reported their monthly
household income to exceed R25 000 or $ 2 900 approximately).
For example, compared to older mothers, teen mothers display lower levels of verbal stimulation and involvement, higher levels of intrusiveness, and maternal speech that is less varied and complex.47, 48 Mothers with fewer years of education read to their children less frequently25, 49 and demonstrate less sophisticated language and literacy skills themselves, 50 which affects the quantity and quality of their verbal interactions with their children.2 Parental education, in turn, relates to
household income: poverty and persistent poverty are strongly associated with less stimulating home environments, 51 and parents living in poverty have children who are at risk for cognitive, academic, and social - emotional difficulties.52, 53 Finally, Hispanic and African American mothers are, on average, less likely to read to their children than
White, non-Hispanic mothers; 54 and Spanish - speaking Hispanic families have fewer children's books available in the home as compared to their non-Hispanic counterparts.25 These racial and ethnic findings are likely explained by differences in family resources across groups, as minority status is often associated with various social - demographic risks.
Although a significant portion of that growth was generated by minority and low -
income buyers, minority homeownership has barely made a dent in the disproportionate share of the homeownership market held by
white households.
The report shows this also plays a role in the racial wealth gap, as most
households (67 percent) are
white and are more likely to be in a high -
income bracket compared to black and Latino
households.
The median
household income for Boston residents is right above $ 50,000, with about 62 % Whites /
White Hispanics and 25 % Blacks.
Since minority
households tend to have lower
incomes and wealth than
white households, their demand for owner - occupied housing will depend in large measure on the availability of mortgage financing that accommodates their limited resources.