We would at least start looking around, get names of former employees, read newsletters and case studies and papers, to home in on what
the industry knew about climate science and when.
Not exact matches
Exxon's oil
industry peers
knew about climate dangers in the 1970s, too.
Updated, 8:38 p.m. There are new revelations from the continuing InsideClimate News investigation of what the oil
industry knew about the potential
climate impacts of carbon dioxide from fuel burning even as it sought delays in related national and international policies.
A front - page article and headline on April 24 reported that the Global
Climate Coalition, a group that throughout the 1990s represented
industries with profits tied to fossil fuels,
knew about the scientific consensus that greenhouse gas emissions could cause global warming but ignored it in a lobbying and public relations campaign against efforts to curb emissions.
PM Malcolm Turnbull is
known to have serious concerns
about the burning of coal and the resulting
climate change, yet he still follows the Liberal party line and promotes the dying coal
industry.
Even though this series of blog posts concerns a prominent complaint filed in 2007 against the UK Channel Four Television Corporation video «The Great Global Warming Swindle,» my objective is to show how a thorough analysis of any given accusation
about skeptic
climate scientists being «paid
industry money to lie» shatters the accusation to bits
no matter where the hammer strikes.
That was wrng as well so seems to me that the defence
industry knows less
about historical
climate than others stirring the pot tonyb
In contrast, people with a «hierarchical» and «individualistic» mind - set respect leaders of
industry and don't like government interfering in their affairs; they're apt to reject warnings
about climate change, because they
know what accepting them could lead to - some kind of tax or regulation to limit emissions.
For decades Exxon and their fossil fuel
industry peers covered up how much they
knew about climate change.
The fossil free divestment movement has been successful because it
knows that fighting for
climate justice is
about changing the power dynamics of our political system and standing up to the fossil fuel
industry.
The book exposes many of the individual
industry - funded operatives
known for misinforming
about climate change, too, including the Cato Institute's Patrick Michaels, Heartland's Fred Singer and James Taylor, Junkscience.com editor Steve Milloy, ClimateDepot's Marc Morano, and CEI's Chris Horner and Myron Ebell.
A tenuous connection from forty years ago of a
known climate skeptic with the tobacco
industry is enough for some people to reject anything he has to say
about the «
climate»;
API is well
known for their 1998 memo outlining the fossil fuel
industry's plan to confuse and mislead the public
about climate science.
That is likely to fuel attacks by critics in the oil
industry and elsewhere who argue against investing in measures like clean energy until more is
known about climate change.
If you are an enviro - activist with no intellectual curiosity
about the matter, and one of your prominent leaders tells you a leaked
industry document's strategy statement to «reposition global warming as theory rather than fact» proves skeptic
climate scientists were paid
industry money to lie and misinform, then that's all you need to
know on the topic.
In closing, the amendment lends support to the ongoing state Attorneys General investigations in both New York and California into what ExxonMobil and other fossil fuel interests
knew, and when,
about climate change risks and why the
industry chose instead to attack the science to prolong its profits.