However, de
jure segregation can also refer to codes and standards set up among private organizations — for example, in the early 20th century, the National Association of Real Estate Boards included in its code of ethics a rule prohibiting its members from selling houses in white neighborhoods to black homebuyers.
De
jure segregation was produced by explicit policies; de facto segregation was a matter of fact, something that occurred independent of explicit policies.
After Milliken v. Bradley, only de
jure segregation needed to be addressed (Minnow, 2010).
, only de
jure segregation needed to be addressed (Minnow, 2010).
While Brown v. Board of Education and Brown II, 1954 and 1956, declared de
jure segregation illegal, schools have remained segregated due to de facto segregation.
I can't say I grasped his logic, but Perry apparently claimed that the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision, which outlawed de
jure segregation, somehow protects charters from political opposition.
These students» departures, because of the skewed demographics that exist as a result of decades of de facto and de
jure segregation laws, left the public schools less racially stratified as a result.
«Maryland, as one of 17 states that had de
jure segregation, has an intense history of school segregation.
For centuries, racially discriminatory policies — in both the North and South — separated black and white children and promoted a system of de
jure segregation.
Yet each case cited spells out the remedies appropriate for school systems already found guilty of de
jure segregation.
The effort to end de
jure segregation back then enjoyed broad public and judicial support; OCR worked hand in hand with the federal courts to desegregate southern schools.
This school dissimilarity index fell from 81 percent to 71 percent between 1968 and 1980, when southern schools were taking strong steps to eliminate de
jure segregation.
The majority said de
jure segregation (caused by the state or a local government) was different from de facto segregation (resulting from social and economic factors, like lower housing prices in the city and white flight to the suburbs) and that it was constitutional to address only the first through a metropolitan - wide effort.
Not exact matches
(Many liberals, including the district judge in the Charlotte case, insisted that residential
segregation was always, in the end, de
jure.
The variation is so extreme due to histories of de
jure residential
segregation, federal housing policies until the last thirty years or so, and histories of economic development and migration that vary from place to place.
The major flaw in this system — de
jure racial
segregation — has been ended.
It took the Supreme Court and the Justice Department to end de
jure school
segregation and the 101st Airborne Division to integrate Little Rock Central High.
Last Saturday, May 17, 2014, was the 60th Anniversary of the Brown v. Board of Education court decision that struck down de
jure school
segregation.
Residential
segregation is actually de
jure — it's the result of racially motivated public policy.
The moral urgency of giving a poor students a decent education may be just as powerful as ending de
jure racial
segregation, but only one of those things is a crime that can be eradicated.
In doing so, ideas such as de
jure and de facto
segregation — important terms in the court's decision on Boston Public Schools — will bubble to the surface.
In the decades leading up to the civil rights movement of the 1960s, racial
segregation was a de
jure practice, meaning the separation was enforced by law.