Sentences with phrase «justice case for»

E.D. Hirsch, Jr., has long been making the social justice case for giving disadvantaged children access to the knowledge and language that have long been assumed by the privileged and powerful.

Not exact matches

Alsup referred the case to the U.S. Department of Justice for investigation of possible trade secret theft on Thursday, when the ruling was released under seal.

There is a recent case that provides a roadmap for what could happen to President Donald Trump and his longtime lawyer Michael Cohen after the FBI conducted raids on his office, home, and hotel as part of a Justice Department investigation.

Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito, both conservatives, hinted during an hour - long argument in the case at support for the Justice Department's stance that because Microsoft is based in the United States it was obligated to turn over data sought by prosecutors in a U.S. warrant.

August Flentje, who argued the government's case for the Department of Justice in front of the Ninth Circuit judges on Tuesday, has not disputed that Trump and Giuliani made those statements.

And he said «we can infer» Robert Mueller, the special counsel in the Russia case, «is investigating Donald Trump for obstruction of justice» based on Comey's testimony.

«Isai's legal representatives remain in close contact with the Department of Justice and we are hopeful of a resolution of this case,» a spokesman for Isai wrote in an email.

Matthew Whitaker, a former US attorney and 2014 Republican primary candidate in Iowa's Senate race who is now the executive director of the conservative Foundation for Accountability and Civic Trust, told Business Insider in an email that Comey's testimony made it «clear» that «there is absolutely no criminal case to be made against President Trump for obstruction of justice.»

Elliott served the South Korean justice ministry a notice of intent in mid-April seeking arbitration of the dispute, the official said, a step before filing with the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, a forum to resolve such cases.

Jim Stewart of The New York Times discusses the antitrust case for the AT&T - Time Warner deal and whether the Justice Department will allow the vertical merger to proceed.

«We see no legitimate reason for our merger to be treated differently,» said McAtee, adding that AT&T is confident a judge will reject the Justice Department's case.

He went on to use the specifics of Mill's case to paint a picture of injustice in the criminal justice system at large, including how black people are disproportionately imprisoned for probation or parole violations.

(2) Bringing this case into court for litigation may be unusual but is not surprising; and (3) The concern about political influence in making this decision is an unfortunate cost of candidate and President Trump's disregard for the institutions of justice.

FBI agents on the case expected that Petraeus would be asked to resign immediately rather than risk the possibility that he could be blackmailed to give intelligence secrets to foreign intelligence agencies or criminals... [T] he FBI, Justice Department, and the White House held off on asking for Petraeus» resignation until after the election... FBI agents on the case were aware that such a decision had been made to hold off on forcing him out until after the election and were outraged.

Earlier this week, the U.S. Department of Justice filed a legal brief in an appeals court case, arguing against workplace discrimination protection for employees who are gay.

Since the Jews for Jesus case in the»80s with Sekulow, Ekonomou has done some work for the American Center for Law and Justice, a non-profit which advocates for religious and constitutional freedoms and is known for supporting Christian causes.

Nielson, meanwhile, puts aside a little time each week for advancing his case against the man, but he believes his chances of seeing justice are slim.

The Justice Department has filed an appeal for Apple's assistance in accessing iPhone data in relation to a New York drug case.

The Department of Justice defended the rule when it filed papers in July in a Washington district court arguing against the case filed by the National Association for Fixed Annuities.

FOR the last two weeks, a justice in New York State Supreme Court has heard testimony in one of the most pivotal cases of the financial crisis.

Last year, for example, the Justice Department filed an amicus brief for the Masterpiece Cakeshop Supreme Court case in support of the Christian baker who refused to bake a wedding cake for a gay couple.

The legal basis for deriving implied powers from the penumbra of other express powers is best seen in Justice Douglas classic opinion in Griswold v. Connecticut.5 In the Griswold case, the United States Supreme Court struck down a Connecticut law prohibiting the use of contraception.

In the same article we reported that while the Citizens United case was pending before the U.S. Supreme Court, Virginia Thomas, the wife of the Justice, created a nonprofit Tea Party advocacy group, Liberty Central, Inc., with a former lawyer for the Charles G. Koch Foundation, Sarah Field, acting as her General Counsel and a former Koch lobbyist, Matt Schlapp, serving on her board at inception.

These enforcement guidelines may be appropriate for a softwood lumber case, but they are useless for seeking justice in fast - moving high technology markets.

One overlooked point: Giuliani also strengthened the case for obstruction of justice when Trump fired [FBI Director James] Comey.

The federal judge overseeing the case in Texas against the Department of Labor's fiduciary rule on Wednesday denied considering all but two of the eight amicus briefs filed in the court, allowing only the briefs filed by the Financial Planning Coalition and the American Association for Justice.

In search of any evidence of White House pressure on the Department of Justice, AT&T asked the judge overseeing the case for access to White House correspondence, which the judge denied.

This week, Sheldon Gilbert of the Institute for Justice joins the ladies to talk about why it's time for SCOTUS to overrule the infamous Slaughterhouse Cases.

In a separate case, the Justice Department filed civil charges against S&P in February 2013, accusing it of failing to warn investors that the housing market was collapsing in 2006 because it would be bad for business.

Emily Langley, a spokeswoman for the U.S. attorney's office in Seattle, said the Justice Department is still reviewing the case.

Last Friday, the news agency Agence France Presse reported that the Justice Department may be planning to settle the case on the cheap for $ 5.4 billion.

Bill Cosby's wife is calling for a criminal investigation into the prosecutor behind his sexual assault conviction, saying the case was «mob justice, not real justice» and a «tragedy» that must be undone.

I'm reading NFIB v. Sebelius (the Obamacare decision) in preparation for teaching the case to my constitutional law students and came across the following most interesting passage in in Justice Ginsburg's opinion: «A mandate to purchase a particular product would be unconstitutional if, for example, the edict impermissibly abridged the freedom of speech, interfered with the free exercise of religion, or infringed on a liberty interest protected by the Due Process Clause.»

As for Justice Stevens himself, it is an arresting fact that in the animal sacrifice case he joined the opinion announcing the constitutional requirement that public officials disassociate themselves from antireligious measures.

While he admires Justice Antonin Scalia's dissent in that case, he wonders if we are not now reaping what Scalia sowed back in 1990, with his opinion for the....

The American Center for Law and Justice - a group «specifically dedicated to the ideal that religious freedom and freedom of speech are inalienable, God - given rights» - was asked by the pastor's lawyers last year to help publicize Nadarkhani's case, according to Jodran Sekulow, executive director of the group.

The best single article I've seen on the moral case for parental choice in education is «School Choice as Simple Justice,» published in First Things (April 1992) and written by Prof. John Coons of the law school of the University of California, Berkeley.

According to the standards of procedural justice, which calls for treating similar cases in a similar fashion, nations should not be selective in implementing trade rules but should simply let mutually agreed - upon processes and procedures run their course.

Causing the death of an unborn child is in the Bible, for in the Bible at Exodus 21, it says that «in case men should struggle with each other and they really hurt a pregnant woman and her children do come out but no fatal accident occurs, he is to have damages imposed upon him without fail according to what the owner of the woman may lay upon him; and he must give it through the justices.

Again, the court's errors in such cases are difficult to correct, whereas leaving decisions to various legislatures allows for varying solutions and ongoing debate: states can serve as «laboratories of experiment,» in the words of Justice Louis Brandeis.

But I do not oppose the death penalty in quite the way he means, for I noted that one can imagine in certain extreme cases the need for executions in the order of social justice.

Before he became Pope, he oversaw a tightening of procedures and reform of the way that the Vatican deals with sexual abuse cases that come to it in order to deal with more cases, more efficiently and with greater justice for the victims.

When we seek instead to «pay something back to the victims and bring them closure,» we are doing a justice either lower (as in civil - court cases) or higher (as in repaying blood with blood)» but, in any case, something that should not be a model for how we deal with criminals.

I don't think in most cases that the priests and bishops involved in the cover - up actively desired for children to be abused, they just wanted to maintain the church's outward reputation and did not care that the collateral result was that the victims did not receive justice and that in many cases, more abuse occurred.

Christians are then left pointing to sociological maladies to vindicate our claims or appealing to the authority of a «pure science» which doesn't exist; or in the case of «same sex marriage,» we're reduced to pleading for private exemptions from public «justice.»

Interests in God as useful to achieving personal wholeness, even of the most «spiritual» sort, and interests in God as necessary for social justice and emancipation, even the most urgent cases, will be under pressure to surrender pride of place to apparently irrelevant» interests in God that take the form of joy in and celebration of the odd ways God is present, for their own sake.

In such a case he must present his view in a way that does justice to the ecclesial importance of his opinion, to the continuation of his dialogue with the magisterium und also to his respect for the latter's teaching.

Clifford Christians mentions that two ethical imperatives of social justice are particularly relevant to home information utilities: «to each according to his essential needs and similar treatment for similar cases.

In this case, morality is reconstituted not in terms of virtues and a vision of the good life, but in terms of the minimal demands of justice necessary for some measure of social tranquillity.

For justice is done in the particular case, and until tried in the courts, abstract principles have no more authority than the people who declare them.