Not exact matches
It
seems indifferent to the radical distinction between conventional religion — which throws the aura of sanctity on contemporary public
policy, whether morally inferior or outrageously unjust — and radical religious protest — which subjects all historical reality (including economic, social and radical injustice) to the «word of the Lord,» i.e., absolute standards of
justice.
It
seems to me that the current call for «social
justice» is not so much related to any specific leftist
policy as much as an appeal for the basic values of democracy.
There's the ongoing special - counsel investigation into whether the Trump campaign aided a Russian campaign to aid Trump's candidacy and defeat his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton; there's the associated inquiry into whether the president obstructed
justice when he fired former FBI Director James Comey, whom he had asked not to investigate his former national - security adviser; there are the president's hush - money payments to women with whom he allegedly had extramarital affairs, made through his personal attorney, Michael Cohen, and facilitated by corporate cash paid to influence the White House; there is his ongoing effort to interfere with the Russia inquiry and politicize federal law enforcement; there are the foreign governments that
seem to be utilizing the president's properties as vehicles for influencing administration
policy; there's the emerging evidence that Trump campaign officials sought aid not only from Russia, but from other foreign countries, which may have affected Trump's foreign
policy; there are the ongoing revelations of the president's Cabinet officials» misusing taxpayer funds; there is the accumulating evidence that administration decisions are made at the behest of private industry, in particular those in which Republican donors have significant interests.
Scientific management also
seems to promise that the answer can be found without confronting difficult questions of distributive
justice; we persist in the illusion that science combined with
policy can fix our problems without requiring any difficult choices or tradeoffs.
Then, recently, a think tank called MAPS (Mitigation Action Plans and Scenarios) published this
policy paper, which gives their interpretation of the ERF, and we fell into a depression for it
seemed our dreams of true climate
justice were about to be dashed.
Second, and now as a matter of practical
policy - making reality, at a time when governments
seem unwilling to devote more attention or expenditure to public provision of legal services for people living on low income, exploring ways to harness private sector innovations may be the most realistic avenue for improving access to
justice for that segment of the population.
Often a
justice of the peace would be hearing a trial and a witness would refer to documents — employee
policies, for example, or correspondence — that
seemed to suggest that a due diligence defence might be available, but those documents wouldn't be introduced into evidence.
The fusion of the two roles has often been defended as ensuring that the Attorney General has a voice at the cabinet table in discussions of public
policy but that
seems to support the cabinet status of the Attorney General rather than its combination with another ministerial portfolio such as
Justice.
This, however, not to mention that the instances may rarely occur when a State may have an opportunity of suing in the American Courts a foreign state,
seems to lose sight of the
policy which, no doubt, suggested this provision, viz., that no State in the Union should, by withholding
justice, have it in its power to embroil the whole Confederacy in disputes of another nature.
When
policies are driven by «look to deny» cost - cutting rather than legal principles, and «medicalized» decision - making blames age or pre-existing conditions rather than the impact of a work - related cause, our system
seems increasingly to be run on the private insurance model — far from Meredith's call for «full
justice, no half - measures».
David would
seem to be arguing that there really is not a problem but if that were true then why was this matter of potential conflicts such a focus in the debates of the Committee for
Justice Policy that led to the Access to
Justice Act?.
Mr.
Justice Hall decides that
policy reasons favour following the UK / Commonwealth rule: ``... I do not consider that it would be appropriate for this Court to adopt the American rule over the rule that
seems to be generally accepted throughout the Commonwealth; namely, that each publication of a libel gives a fresh cause of action.»
Given the
policy analysis in Macdonald Estate, it
seems to me that
Justice Sopinka was intending to refer to solicitor client privileged information.
Funders
seem to be willing to go to some lengths to assure courts that approval of funding is in the interests of access to
justice and not contrary to public
policy, at least in the class action context.