Sentences with phrase «justice reformers of»

Not exact matches

In the Genesis narratives, for example, Abraham is depicted neither as a religious philosopher nor as a reformer but as someone whom God «makes his own» and ordains to be the progenitor of a family - nation that would serve as a pilot - people for humanity by keeping God's way — the avoidance of violence and the practice of justice under law (Genesis 18:19).

That it was, however, the principle of justice, not only in the Catholic law of nature, but also for the Reformers, is proved by hundreds of texts in Luther, Zwingli and Calvin.»

The task of actualizing justice is far more complex than the Reformers saw it.

While Calvin seems to see more clearly than Luther the need for reforming the orders of the world guided by love and justice, both Reformers see the organization of society in terms which we know are far too simple in the light of the later history of democratic forms of political life.

To be fair to Kierkegaard, he acknowledges the good intentions of the social reformers» drive toward equality, although «worldly equality, even if it were possible, is not Christian equality».20 He criticizes the caste system.21 Despite these concessions to the need for social justice Kierkegaard's doctrine remains inadequate.

In spite of the faith of the 18th - and 19th - century political reformers such as Voltaire and Marx in the «verdict of history,» the arena of political decisions is not likely to be a place where the big issues of life are discussed or decided solely or even primarily on the basis of truth and justice.

The vanguard of reformers for peace, justice and ecological sustainability are not the political leaders.

Former state Supreme Court and Appellate Division Justice Michael Kavanagh gave Faso his backing, calling the conservative reformer, «a public servant who shares my ideals and the ideals of the district where he has lived for more than three decades.

But the idea of closing the aging jails on the island, to criminal justice reformers, accomplishes several goals at once.

Yet as Princeton University economist Thomas Leonard documents in his book Illiberal Reformers (Princeton University Press, 2016) and former New York Times editor Adam Cohen reminds us in his book Imbeciles (Penguin, 2016), eugenics fever swept America in the early 20th century, culminating in the 1927 Supreme Court case Buck v. Bell, in which the justices legalized sterilization of «undesirable» citizens.

Reformers who have been eager to embrace the social justice orthodoxy of that movement could not be expected to push back meaningfully.

When I published a piece earlier this year about the tense estrangement between conservative education reformers and the movement's increasingly dominant social justice wing, it did not sit well with members of the latter group, including Rhames, who penned a response on Education Post titled, «An Open Letter to White Conservative Education Reformerreformers and the movement's increasingly dominant social justice wing, it did not sit well with members of the latter group, including Rhames, who penned a response on Education Post titled, «An Open Letter to White Conservative Education ReformersReformers.»

Education reformers who are reflexively critical of DeVos are framing a narrow set of policies — the ones they prefer — as the very definition of «school choice,» «justice,» «morality,» or «accountability.»

The priorities and language of reformers — achievement gaps, no - excuses schools, social justice, and the «civil rights issue of our generation «-- betrays a focus on fixing schools attended by urban, low - income families of color.

And the use of race as a proxy by some reformers, to gauge the seriousness of other reformers» commitments to issues of social justice, is a relatively new phenomenon.

I told this story to a group of two dozen or so of my fellow ed reformers last week at an American Enterprise Institute convening on «race, social justice, and school reform» because I wanted to make two simple (some will say simplistic) points: our expensive and aggressive ed reform efforts still focus far too little on what kids do in school all day; and we don't all have the same ideas about what it means to serve the cause of social justice — or whether it is even appropriate to place social justice issues at the heart of our efforts to improve outcomes for kids.

«Like the proverbial frog in a pot, education reformers on the political right find themselves coming to a slow boil in the cauldron of social justice activism.

Rick Hess fingers the reformers» social justice agenda, which is at odds with the interests of middle class suburban parents.

It is crucial to recognize that «reformers,» not educators, have driven this shift: In a 2008 survey, for instance, education pollsters Steve Farkas and Anne Duffett asked, «For the public schools to help the U.S. live up to its ideals of justice and equality, do you think it's more important that they focus equally on all students regardless of their backgrounds or achievement levels... or disadvantaged students who are struggling academically?»

Pondiscio is speaking for them when he complains «[l] ike the proverbial frog in a pot, education reformers on the political right find themselves coming to a slow boil in the cauldron of social justice activism.»

For school reformers and criminal justice reform advocates, tackling the solidarity mindsets of the teaching and law enforcement professions is critical to the systemic overhauls of both sectors.

As far as the police union boss is concerned, criminal justice reformers are wrong in criticizing Pantaleo's state - sanctioned murder of Garner as well as criticizing those in the rank - and - file who are engaged in abusing citizens and other forms of corruption.

Especially with a cadre of new governors and legislators taking office, along with issues that intersect with education such as criminal justice reform on the agenda, reformers should use the time now to pass meaningful legislation that will help all of our children.

That and the not so poetic justice that Bridgeport's children and teachers are being played by the likes of Finch, Vallas and the «education reformers.»

Given Trump's general opposition to criminal justice reform, the antipathy among Republicans and many conservative reformers to the Black Lives Matter movement (which has championed Obama's efforts), and the skepticism among so - called conservative reformers (most - notably Michael Petrilli of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute and his amen corner at Education Next) on school discipline reform, expect nothing more after January.

But to reformers, it is easier to fix the schools or the justice system than to go after all overwhelming unfairnesses of history.

«If we actually want to change the way that education or criminal justice look in this country, we as reformers need to show at least some appreciation for how hard the jobs of teachers or cops are, and focus on the politicians.»

Meanwhile Malkin seems to ignore the reality that the nation's criminal justice systems are in as sore a need of reform as public education — and that as school reformers, Teach For America alumni and staffers can no more ignore the consequences of those woes on children outside of schools than the crises within them.

Teach For America alum such as Deray McKesson are rightfully standing with criminal justice reformers on behalf of children who must deal with issues outside as well as inside of schools.

Notable participants include: choreographer and dancer Kyle Abraham; poet Elizabeth Alexander; performer Eric Berryman; performance and installation artist Tania Bruguera; urban revitalization strategist Majora Carter; innovator James Burling Chase; actress and playwright Eisa Davis; architect Elizabeth Diller; The Met's Kimberly Drew; photographer John Edmonds; juvenile justice reformer Adam Foss; writer and performance artist Malik Gaines; social practice artist Theaster Gates; filmmaker Tony Gerber; FLEXN dance pioneer Reggie (Regg Roc) Gray; trombonist, painter, and composer Dick Griffin; dancer and choreographer Francesca Harper; trombonist Craig Harris; vocalist Nona Hendryx; playwright Branden Jacobs - Jenkins; cinematographer Arthur Jafa; artist and cultural worker Shani Jamila; trumpeter JAWWAAD; gaming pioneers Navid and Vassiliki Khonsari; NYU Professor and musician Jason King; philosopher Gregg Lambert; composer and Bang on the Can co-founder David Lang; novelist, filmmaker, and curator Ernie Larsen; Wooster Group founding member and director Liz LeCompte; Harvard Professor Sarah Lewis; journalist Seamus McGraw; poet Aja Monet; jazz pianist and composer Jason Moran; performance studies professor Fred Moten; visual artist Shirin Neshat; playwright Lynn Nottage; professor of contemporary rhetorical theory Kendall Phillips; doctor Jeremy Richman; poet Carl Hancock Rux; performance artist Alexandro Segade; writer and activist Tanya Selvaratnam; guitarist and composer Marvin Sewell; playwright and actress Anna Deavere Smith; conceptual artist Hank Willis Thomas; performance artist Carmelita Tropicana; puppeteer Basil Twist; theater director Roberta Uno; vocalist and composer Imani Uzuri; and Wooster Group founding member and actress Kate Valk, among others.

«Reformers should take the approach that a thorough hearing is called for,» said Eric Sterling, director of the Criminal Justice Policy Foundation.

Of course, there are many things that justice system reformers, including mediators, still need to work on.

legal service is a matter of limited but uneasy debate in the community of reformers, progressives and do - gooders dedicated to the concept of equal access to justice for everyone.

Generally lauded by judges and leaders of the profession, the long - term systemic value of pro bono legal service is a matter of limited but uneasy debate in the community of reformers, progressives and do - gooders dedicated to the concept of equal access to justice for everyone.

This column is an unintended and rather abstract follow - up to my last column entitled «Self - Represented Litigants Are Not Things» on the need for reformers to better consider the unique «real life» perspectives of lay litigants when redesigning justice system rules and processes.

The law has long been a target of criminal justice reformers, who have argued that the severe, mandatory minimum penalties contemplated by Tennessee's School Zone law fail to make appropriate distinctions between people who sell drugs to children and people who don't...

Let's start with the obvious: I think Rick Hasen is exactly right to suggest that such a move by the lefties is actually a «relative victory» for campaign finance reformers, given the extent to which» [t] aking the case would have been an opportunity for the majority of Supreme Court justices to make things worse [from the reformers» perspective], such as by suggesting that limits on direct contributions to candidates are unconstitutional.»

The McDonald's hot coffee case was actively lauded by tort «reformers» as an example of all that was wrong with the American civil justice system.

One reason for this holding was the fact that the old law was, as Justice MacDonnell put it, «the subject of uniformly withering criticism from law reformers, academics and all levels of the Canadian judiciary for more than 30 years» (par.