Sentences with phrase «labour movement does»

A substantial portion of the Labour Party and the wider labour movement does not.

Its not rocket science but the Fabian Society conveniently fail to do the tiniest bit of thinking as it has the potential to drive people off benefits and into work, something the Labour movement doesn't want as it likes to maintain a client state.

Lansbury, the Labour leader until the 1935 election in November, became notorious for his personal commitment to pacificism but other high - profile figures in the Labour movement didn't share his commitment, hence the very personal attack on him by Ernest Bevin, who was a leading personality in the trade union movement at the time — if you check out his Wikipedia entry.

Not exact matches

Regardless of the best efforts of the broader labour movement to improve working conditions for all, a large group is not convinced we are getting the job done.

This workers» festival originated in 1886 in the United States but did not seem to have an impact on the Canadian labour movement until the early 19th century.

It seems rather more plausible to me to say that where the Liberal Party failed to recognise its own enlightened self - interest was in failing to do more to hug close the labour movement and perhaps Labour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive alllabour movement and perhaps Labour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive allLabour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive allLabour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive allLabour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive alliance.

Does Blue Labour like the history of the labour movement, or does it prefer wider sociDoes Blue Labour like the history of the labour movement, or does it prefer wider soLabour like the history of the labour movement, or does it prefer wider solabour movement, or does it prefer wider socidoes it prefer wider society?

Its recent years in government hide the fact that the Labour movement has an amazing and unique story, itself growing from disenfranchised people organising in much the same way as the students are doing today.

Instead of mucking in with the multifarious resistance movement - which, as you rightly state here, does not require universal agreement in order to progress, that sort of Leninist thinking is weedkiller to the grassroots - Labour is already positioning itself for the next election, terrified of doing anything at all which might upset the few swing voters in key marginal seats that the party has repositioned itself towards over the past twenty years.

Labour doesn't even need to establish a constituency of support to do these things - Labour has institutional links with the union and cooperative movements, a majority in the Commons, and has just bailed out British capitalism.

I don't think anyone in the labour movement should be in the business of cheering on cuts to social security eligibility, regardless of where the recipients are from.

The contribution of the British people - the trade unions, the student movement, the Liberal and Labour parties, the ordinary shoppers who did their bit - all of it should never be forgotten.

At the debate on the issue I attended, most of the panellists and delegates were almost entirely dismissive of the problem of antisemitism, with several suggesting that it didn't even exist in any real way within the movement and others suggesting the whole issue had been fabricated out of thin air by Labour MPs and the right wing press.

This question, from somebody who wishes to remain Anon, but was a popular theme at Saturday's Fabian conference: «If you become Labour party leader, what will you do to ensure labour becomes more open and democratic in party structure, to ensure Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?&Labour party leader, what will you do to ensure labour becomes more open and democratic in party structure, to ensure Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?&labour becomes more open and democratic in party structure, to ensure Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?&Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?»

He said he did not advocate ending the free movement of labour within the European Union, or even think it possible.

People in the Labour movement generally believe swing voters to be ignorant (because they did not understand what Labour had achieved), credulous (because they believed what they read in the right - wing press) and selfish (because they thought only of their own interests, rather than public services and the poor).

According to the Labour movement, the party lost because voters did not fully appreciate what it had achieved, they were influenced by the right - wing media, and although Labour had the right policies, it did not manage to communicate them effectively.

Add to this the understandable dejection and bitterness many Labour members and supporters would feel, if Smith were to win the Labour Right would be greatly strengthened, to the detriment of Labour offering a real alternative to the Tories (not to mention the fatal harm done to Labour's prospects of becoming a social movement).

Three quarters of Labour movement respondents say Labour did not deserve to lose.

In a clear appeal to voters on the left of the party, Smith said: «New Labour tried so hard to make sure it didn't alienate the powerful that I'm afraid too many people in our country, too many people in our movement found it impossible to distinguish between the Labour party and the institutions we were created to challenge.

But it is telling that most political opponents of military action - which at the moment is basically Jeremy Corbyn's Labour leadership and the broader Stop the War movement - do not seem to be making these points.

However, former Conservative chancellor Ken Clarke said: «I actually think the vast majority of members of the Labour party would quite like to see the party to stop being dependent on these millions from the trade unions, what is left of the trade union movement, that keeps trying to use that as political leverage which they do not want.»

What Corbyn wants to do is to make the Labour party more democratic, to give more power to the members, to make it into a mass movement.

RM: These are all laudable aims for Labour, but Corbyn does not give much detail on the central question of the Brexit negotiations: the trade - off between the single market and free movement.

God life in the labour movement not all is dead then, well done young labour because the link with the labour party is at risk, the demi gods at the top of the Union are playing a dangerous game, so is the labour party.

I didn't say that James All I did was mention in passing that it was telling that conservative think tanks produced reports on reactionary clerics and movements while Labour ones did not.

Sadly it has never been a tradition in the Labour Party, but in some sections of the wider workers movement there did used to be the tradition of elected representatives taking up the wage of an average skilled worker and donating the rest to the party and wider labour movLabour Party, but in some sections of the wider workers movement there did used to be the tradition of elected representatives taking up the wage of an average skilled worker and donating the rest to the party and wider labour movlabour movement.

He did not believe the Labour party was a protest movement protesting outside other party conferences.

Corbyn was silently supported in this by the right of the Labour party and those with northern constituencies, who didn't feel they could defend free movement on the doorstep.

Hence it suggests the Conservatives are doing better in the Con - Lab marginals than in national polls (the poll shows some movement towards Labour in the marginals since May, but the previous poll was taken during that brief narrowing of the polls in mid-May, so the change reflects the national picture).

When I asked him to expand on his admission that Labour was not enough of a «movement» at the last election, Miliband re-emphasised his point when he launched his campaign: that Labour now has a «responsibility» to become the progressive, centre - left movement that wins over Lib Dems who did not want to crown David Cameron

Similarly, Wadda confessed that the union would do all things to preserve the unity of the Labour movement in the country.

McCluskey, whose union is a major funder of Labour, said the party could lose votes to Ukip if it did not «get its narrative right on free movement» and immigration.

We recognise the historic ties that bind the trade union movement with the Labour Party -LSB-...] The Conservative Party does not believe that it is illegitimate for the trade union movement to provide support for political parties.»

I don't see how it can be logical to support free labour movement between a bunch of countries linked only by a degree of geographical proximity and a good deal of mutual enmity, but to oppose it for everyone else.

«But actually we have to make sure that we do not throw away access to the single market just because that means talking about free movement of labour.»

The shadow business secretary has suggested Labour may be interested in restricting free movement within the European Union for workers who do not have the firm offer of a job.

I think in fairness to Steve Hart, Unite's strategy makes union backed candidates from a broader social background part of their political strategy, but certainly not the end of it: At the Unite meeting at Labour Conference, Jon Trickett & Len McCluskey made the case for Unite & Labour developing MP's from down to earth backgrounds, but linked this very much to having policies that adress the needs of working class voters: The Unite strategy is fairly broad, including recruitng union members to Labour, developing MP's (who as McCluskey are backed because they «reflect the values of the union movement» — rather than just being from a particular social class), and supporting the CLASS think tank to develop policy — I did a write up of this meeting for the Morning Star (and a rival Progress one), which may be of interest (I think it will appear if you click on my name)

Ed Miliband doesn't need to set out concrete policies — it would be good if the Labour movement is given a real opportunity now to help draw up that political alternative, but the party desperately needs a narrative and to be seen identifying with working and middle class voters who now find themselves at the sharp end.

Her willingness to contemplate cuts in unemployment benefits alienated her from much of the Labour movement, although she did not follow Ramsay MacDonald into the National Government that assumed office when the Labour government fell in August 1931.

One senior Tory said the party faces a «devastating pincer movement» from Ukip in a string of marginal seats where Conservatives won in 2010 with narrow majorities over Labour: «If more Tory votes are siphoned off to Ukip, and Lib Dems switch to Labour, we will be done for in those seats and our position in the north of England will be terrible.

The energy discussion should instead be informed by what it is possible to do with more and more of it: more movement, more life, less manual labour, less going without.

It's an opportunity to focus on what the labour movement can do to continue to fight institutional and systemic oppressions faced by workers of colour and Aboriginal workers.