Sentences with phrase «labour vote numbers»

They thought this was hilarious and chance to double vote Labour — hence a significant contribution to labour vote numbers.

Not exact matches

Embarrassingly, Labour's vote tally was actually lower than the total number of local members claimed by the party.

«I'm quietly confident, in a non-complacent way, that the people who are flirting with the Greens, a large number of them will end up voting Labour - for positive reasons, because we've got radical policies on the environment, we've got very good policies on addressing inequality, the housing crisis, the NHS.

All of this means that Cameron finds himself in a fairly tricky position, having to rely on mobilising Remain votes from large numbers of people who voted against him last May while hoping that the leader of the Labour Party will actually stand up and make a direct and unequivocal plea for voters to keep Britain in the EU.

The man who secured over a quarter of a million votes from Labour Party members supporters and trade unionists as recently as last September is seamlessly elided into a deranged sect leader, ordering small numbers of isolated followers to top themselves in the fastnesses of a Latin American jungle.

It has been described by party sources - and by the Britain Stronger In Europe campaign - as the first part of a «Labour fightback» against Brexit, amid concerns that the party's supporters will not vote in sufficient numbers for Remain.

To win an election Labour also needs to steal a significant number of votes from parties positioned to the right of it on the political spectrum, and right now that's not happening.

Significant numbers of Labour supporters may be willing to vote tactically for the Lib Dems in seats where the Conservatives are the second largest party, the poll found.

The British Election Study survey evidence suggests that Scottish Labour MPs will not be saved by incumbency effects or tactical voting, so the party will primarily need to attract a significant number of their former voters back from the SNP.

2.15 pm Local Government: «Cllr Hall was elected the new Leader last night by 31 votes to 24 after a number of Independent Labour councillors abstained or voted for her.

The Conservatives tend to pile up large majorities in safe seats and because the planned redistribution of seats did not take place after the 2010 election, Labour has a number of seats with below average electorates, making the vote - to - seat ratio work all the more in its favour.

The other two envisioned Miliband as prime minister: one had the Tories on 270 to 285, unable to form a government; the other had Labour with slightly more votes than the Tories, but with slightly fewer, or the same, number of seats.

And it's likely the number of happy campers will further decline at the 2016 Holyrood election where the argument that voting Labour will stop the Tories is an irrelevance.

In Lewisham, where we took our highest number of votes, it is believed that Labour will put forward an all - female BAME shortlist to contest Heidi Alexander's seat.

With Labour, the DUP and the Lib Dems also due to vote against the plans, it will be for this coalition of opposition parties to tempt a small number of more sceptical Conservatives into the no lobby with them.

Historically Labour communities voted to Leave in far greater numbers than many liberal commentators assumed.

In the London election, roughly equal numbers of those voting for other candidates turned out to have a Labour or Tory preference - so those 250,000 voters got to count in the final outcome - though the result was unaffected by transfers.

On top of the fact that with an equal number of votes the Labour Party gets 90 extra seats and counts Welsh and Scottish votes twice already.

More subtly, for a number of reasons (including to a greater or lesser extent, Brexit) Labour has generally been gaining votes from the young and those in high social class jobs and areas which voted remain in 2016, while losing votes from older voters, those in lower social class occupations and those who voted leave.

That those viewers then swung in large numbers behind the Labour leader suggests the programme may have had an impact on the final result - particularly when just a few hundred votes in swing seats shifted June's outcome.

His Shadow Cabinet disintegrated; his Parliamentary Party passed a huge Vote of No Confidence against him — something that would have ended any other leader's time in office then and there — while large numbers of councillors, the Labour London Mayor and the Party's Leader in Scotland, Kezia Dugdale, all lined up to condemn his ideas, or his performance, or both.

Those who say today that they will vote Labour will have to decide whether they really trust the party with the public finances and whether they really want to see Ed Miliband at Number 10.

Conservative MPs I have spoken to since have remarked that they were surprised at how close the vote was, and that they felt that a number of Labour MPs were persuaded to defy the strong Labour whip - or at least abstain - as a result of listening to the debate.

There's already a limit to the number of Labour votes that they can squeeze (especially with core Labour voters looking to return to or stick with Brown).

[148] In the 2008 local elections they gained 25 % of the vote, placing them ahead of Labour and increasing their control by 34 to more than 4,200 council seats — 21 % of the total number of seats.

I have quite a number of Scottish Catholic friends who have now switched from voting Labour to SNP!

22.23 - There's been a fair amount of expectation management going on about the number of Labour MPs set to vote with the government.

Seeing large numbers of Labour peers commit in public to voting for 100 % reform and no filibustering.

A number of frontbenchers think Labour should take from the Brexit vote that people want stronger controls on immigration.

Hence the huge drop in the numbers voting in the Labour heartlands, not just in 2010, but also in 2005.

The projected Labour majority is a large 9,040 for Sunderland Central but if you add up the votes in the nine wards that voted on 1st May and make up the seat you get the following numbers:

Labour's real problem is that Ukip might establish itself as the clear challenger in dozens of Labour seats across the North, with a chance of squeezing the residual Tory and Lib Dem votes in 2020, and defeating a number of Labour MPs in that election.

(f) The final option would be if both Labour and the Conservatives were too far from an overall majority to form a government without the Liberal Democrats, and that the Lib Dems (coming either first or second in the popular vote, though still third in number of seats) decide not to allow either to form a functioning government.

(c) But if Labour fall to third in the popular vote, it must either enter coalition with the Lib Dems with Nick Clegg taking 10 Downing Street and Labour being the larger - but - junior partner in coalition, or find a new leader who will not be «squatting» in Number 10 having led the government to disastrous defeat.

It noted that «Labour MPs dissent more often than Conservatives; they dissent in great numbers than Conservatives; and they dissent on more issues than Conservatives» — and concluded that «judging from their current voting behaviour, there is the real possibility that any future Labour Government will face significant backbench dissent».

«Permanent majority status on 36 % of the vote is the kind of decline Labour will cry about all the way to Number 10.»

He again criticised a political system that could see the Labour party get the lowest number of votes of the three main parties and yet carry on as prime minister.

Conservative MPs are currently rebelling less often than Labour MPs (in around 11 % of divisions in the first three sessions of the 2005 parliament, less than half the rate on the government benches) and they are doing so in smaller numbers; although a slightly larger proportion of Conservative parliamentarians has rebelled compared to Labour, few have cast more than a handful of dissenting votes, and even the most rebellious would not find themselves high up the PLP's league table of troublemakers.

In the 2010 general election on 6 May that year, Labour with 29.0 % of the vote won the second largest number of seats (258).

The Labour vote held up in the election, with the party receiving a similar number of votes as in 1974.

The Labour Party made significant gains in the February 2011 election, almost doubling their share of the vote nationally and increasing their number of Dail seats from 20 to 37.

David Cameron was setting London as his test, and Ken Livingstone had moved into a two - point lead after identifying tube fares, police numbers and living standards as key issues for Londoners, and mobilising the Labour vote from leafy suburbs to the inner - city core.

I think that the polls may continue to swing wildly around for a few months, as we see how the economic situation pans out, I certainly get the impression in Chesterfield that an unusually high number of people are undecided at the moment, though there has certainly been an improvement in the likelihood to vote of Labour supporters in the last two or three months.

These factors explain why Labour faces greater challenges in translating lower levels of national support into seat numbers than it did back in 1987 when the party won 12 seats with just over six percent of the national vote.

[62] Despite the increased number of seats and votes, it was still an incredibly disappointing result for supporters of the Labour party.

Adrian Kavanagh, 1st June 2011 The Labour Party made significant gains in the February 2011 election, almost doubling their share of the vote nationally and increasing their number of Dail seats from 20 to 37.

«We cross all social divides - we are picking up a large number of old Labour votes, we have picked up quite a serious number of Liberal Democrat votes, and one in five of our voters are people that haven't voted for 25 years or more.

The more seats a party or grouping has, the more chance it has of forming a government - with 198 seats out of 646 the Conservative Party could only form a government if significant numbers of other MP's decided to back them, as happened in 1924 when there was a situation that the Conservatives didn't want to form a coalition with either other main party and equally the Liberals didn't want a coalition with Labour and the Liberals and Conservatives saw it as an opportunity to allow Labour into government but in a situation in which legislation was still reliant on Liberal and Conservative votes and they could be brought down at the most suitable time, supposing the notional gains were accurate and in the improbable event of the next election going exactly the same way in terms of votes then 214 out of 650 is 32.93 % of seats compared to at 198 out of 646 seats - 30.65 % of seats and the Conservative Party would then be 14 seats closer towards a total neccessary to form a government allowing for the greater number of seats, on the one hand the Conservatives need Labour to fail but equally they need to succeed themselves given that the Liberal Democrats appear likely to oppose anyone forming a government who does not embark on a serious programme to introduce PR, in addition PC & SNP would expect moves towards Independence for Scotland and Wales, the SDLP will be likely to back Labour and equally UKIP would want a committment to withdraw from Europe and anyway will be likely to be in small numbers if any, pretty much that leaves cutting a deal with the DUP which would only add the backing of an extra 10 - 13 MP's.

«There's really unique circumstances in Copeland, the Labour vote has been eroding over a number of elections now but this issue about the future of nuclear industry clearly dominated that election campaign, «he told BBC News.

A surprising number of people are candid enough to admit that they voted Liberal Democrat in previous elections because they simply could not decide between Labour and the Tories.