In Denver, low - resource families who received home visiting showed modest benefits in children's language and cognitive development.102 In Elmira, only the intervention children whose mothers smoked cigarettes before the experiment experienced cognitive benefits.103 In Memphis, children of mothers with low psychological resources104 in the intervention group had higher grades and achievement test scores at age nine than their counterparts in the control group.105 Early Head Start also identified small, positive effects on children's cognitive abilities, though the change was for the program as a whole and not specific to home - visited families.106 Similarly, IHDP identified
large cognitive effects at twenty - four and thirty - six months, but not at twelve months, so the effects can not be attributed solely to home - visiting services.107
Evaluators of the first three programs — none of which used the rigorous randomized designs used in the HSIS — claim very
large cognitive effects, some nearly ten times those of the typical Head Start program.
Not exact matches
Although the
largest effect sizes were observed for
cognitive outcomes, a preschool education was also found to impact children's social skills and school progress.
«This is the first study of its kind designed to test the
effects of a diet on the decline of
cognitive abilities among a
large group of individuals 65 to 84 years old who currently do not have
cognitive impairment,» says Martha Clare Morris, ScD, a nutritional epidemiologist at Rush and principal investigator of the study.
Specifically: «The level of
cognitive skills of a nation's students has a
large effect on its subsequent economic growth rate.
These
effects are all
larger than what would have been predicted based on the same students» test - score gains, leading the researchers to conclude that «high achieving charter schools alter more than
cognitive ability.»
So, the school has a slightly
larger influence on the
cognitive engagement over the emotional, but it's still a relatively marginal
effect on engagement.
The level of
cognitive skills of a nation's students has a
large effect on its subsequent economic growth rate.
While these
effects are modest in size, they demonstrate that internet delivered
cognitive behavioural therapy has the potential to be applied as a low intensity psychosocial intervention to
large numbers of people being treated for cardiovascular disease, at minimal cost.
Existing SNHV trials show relatively modest
effects (
effect sizes of 0.2 — 0.4 SDs) for outcomes such as child mental health and behaviour, and
cognitive and language development, from infancy to mid - childhood.19 While
effect sizes of 0.25 — 0.3 SDs can be meaningful and impactful at the whole of population level, 59 targeted public health interventions such as SNHV include a cost and intensity such that
larger effects in the short - to - medium term might be necessary to justify implementation at a population level.
There were no statistically significant
effects on child
cognitive development, internalising behaviour or externalising behaviour at post-intervention; however, internalising and externalising behaviours were marginally significant and may have reached statistical significance with a
larger sample.
With a relatively
larger (albeit still inadequate) body of literature, UCLA / Lovaas — based intervention and EIBI variant studies have revealed positive shifts in language, adaptive,
cognitive, and educational outcomes, but our confidence (strength of evidence) in that
effect is low because of the need for additional, confirmatory research, a lack of high - quality RCTs, and no studies that have directly compared
effects of promising manualized treatment approaches.
This study is the first to assess the relative
effects of persisting poverty and family status transitions on children's
cognitive functioning at the age of 5 years using a
large, longitudinal, general population sample.
The meta - analyses showed the most pronounced
effect sizes for parent — child interaction and maternal sensitivity, whereas the
effects on child behaviour and
cognitive development were either small or not significant; however, small
effect sizes can have meaningful impact on population - level outcomes.60 The non-significant outcomes for internalising and externalising behaviours were also small, but may be clinically relevant for
large, at - risk populations.
However, these positive
effects are not
large and appear to diminish over time, suggesting that reducing income poverty by itself is not sufficient to improve children's
cognitive functioning.3, 4,5
In the long term, those participating children are more likely to be employed and less likely to be dependent on government assistance.9 The positive
effects are
larger, and more likely to be sustained, when programs are high quality.10 In addition, the impact is greatest for children from low - income families.11 Differences in children's
cognitive abilities by income are evident at only nine months old and significantly widen by the time children are two years old.12 Children living in poverty are more likely to be subject to stressful home environments — which can have lifelong impacts on learning, cognition, and self - regulation — while parents living in poverty have limited resources to provide for their families and high barriers to accessing affordable, high - quality child care.13 High - quality early learning programs staffed by warm and responsive adults can help mitigate these
effects, offering a safe and predictable learning environment that fosters children's development.14
To date, the immediate and lasting positive
effects of quality care on language,
cognitive development, and school achievement have been confirmed by converging findings from
large, reasonably representative longitudinal studies and smaller, randomized trials with long - term follow - ups.1, 2,9 - 13 Contributors to this knowledge base include meta - analytic reviews of interventions and
large longitudinal studies conducted in several countries.1, 2,14,15 Comprehensive meta - analyses now establish that
effects of early care decline, but do not disappear, and when initial
effects are
large, long - term
effects remain substantial.1, 2 Null findings in
cognitive and social domains in a few studies may reasonably be attributed to the limitations inherent to their designs, samples, and measures.
Although the
largest effect sizes were observed for
cognitive outcomes, a preschool education was also found to impact childrenï ¿ 1/2 s social skills and school progress.