Sentences with phrase «law argument make»

I have seen the second law argument made at Climate Audit, and more recently again at Real Climate by one of the Climate Audit regulars.

Not exact matches

«Depending on how the targeting is happening, you can make potentially different sorts of arguments about whether or not Google or Facebook or LinkedIn is contributing to the development» of the ad, said Deirdre K. Mulligan, a faculty director of the Berkeley Center for Law and Technology.
The eight justices, who open their 2016 - 17 term on Monday, will hear arguments on Wednesday in the case of an Illinois man, Bassam Salman, who prosecutors said made nearly $ 1.2 million trading on inside information about mergers involving clients of Citigroup Inc, where his brother - in - law worked.
All the while, these companies have made an overarching argument that they should not have to follow the kinds of laws that every other industry in the country — very much including the ones that they are disrupting — follow.
Aaron Wright of Cardozo Law School, for example, has made a detailed case arguing that the SAFT is itself a security, from contract to token, an argument that looked prescient when earlier this year rumors began to swirl that the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) was going after lots of initial coin offering (ICO) projects.
White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders made this argument after the 2017 Las Vegas mass shooting: «I think if you look to Chicago, where you had over 4,000 victims of gun - related crimes last year, they have the strictest gun laws in the country.
But even without that data, a substantive argument can be made based on the natural law.
The core argument of the book seeks to reassert the role of Christianity as making a necessary contribution to the construction of ethics that underpin our society and culture, and by extension, our law - making and justice system.
Noreen, 50, was the first woman to be sentenced to death under Pakistan's blasphemy laws when she received the punishment in November 2010, after allegedly making derogatory comments about the Prophet Muhammad during an argument with a Muslim woman.
Supporting Sharia law is the same argument the catholic church is making, just from a different cult.
Now most everyone would agree that it's not good to do that but my point is moral argument should have no place when making laws.
One political position customary among Jews, and often shared also among the more observant, is that of not interfering in the choices of freedom that the state makes for its citizens, reserving only to the individual conscience the right and duty of making rigorous personals choices on arguments in which the law of the state makes room for autonomy and freedom.
Being «offensive» is typically not a good argument as far as law, otherwise, I would attempt to make laws that make radicalized ignorant christian zealots such as you, as «hate» groups.
Christians, then, should make their arguments carefully, winsomely, graciously, and firmly, in the hope that «the law written on the heart» will overcome emotional prejudice, intellectual laziness, and moral compromise.
John Eppstein, writing The Catholic Tradition of the Law of Nations between the World Wars, argues that proportionality and last resort are to be found in the arguments of the Neoscholastics, but the texts he cites do not clearly make the case.
The arguments for gay marriage must in fact put into place the premises that make it untenable for the law to hold back from the acceptance of polygamy.
To find a principle through the natural law reasoning of judges that makes the Constitution mean something other than, sometimes opposite to, what those who voted to make it law understood themselves to mean can hardly be sound moral argument.
Part of Our Lord's argument with the Pharisees was that they loved wealth at the expense of righteousness, and made void the spirit of the Law with a welter of manmade traditions (Mk 7, 7ff; Lk 11, 37ff).
In a more recent work, Reason in the Balance: The Case Against NATURALISM in Science, Law and Education (P. 3), Johnson continues his argument, and makes clear what was implicit in the earlier work.
In making such arguments Paul was mindful of the law's divine origins (even if it had been given through angelic mediators, as per Gal.
In this context, it is difficult to make the familiar Euro - American argument that the Bible was clearly written for a totally alien society with which modems could scarcely identify, and so its detailed moral laws can not be applied in the contemporary world.
If I understand him correctly, he believes that by making rational arguments we can see, for example, that the owners of Hobby Lobby, the Greens, are not asking for an exemption, but demonstrating why the contraceptive mandate is not a law, and is therefore not binding on anyone.
Because EVERY valid argument that folks have make for redefining marriage for Gays, can equally be used for the legalization of Polygamy (think Sharia Law), and even group marriages.
Therefore I think an argument can be made that if one lives in a society where women have very constrained roles, perhaps it is best not to follow the law.
Furthermore, the Catholic emphasis on the role of natural law does nothing to dispel the idea that too much use of scripture in moral argument can be inappropriate or impolitic because it can make universal truths seem to be based only upon specific revelation.
The law professor Vivian E Hamilton makes a similar argument in her paper «Mistaking Marriage for Social Policy» (2004).
But her table shows any OOH birth is unsafe and she is making an argument for safety «The legislature won't have another opportunity to make the law stronger on behalf of safety until 2015.»
The Chicago Veterinary Medical Association made a similar argument in a statement issued in response to the Cook County ban, arguing unscrupulous breeders would find ways around a law targeting store sales.
When the decriminalization of homosexual sex acts came onto the agenda in the 1960s, it was Mill's arguments that were used to make the case (by Herbert Hart in his debate with Patrick Devlin over the role of the law in enforcing morality).
The argument that Laws should be allowed to remain in his job because it's in the «best interests of the country» is as laughable now as when Jeremy Browne made it on the Today programme this morning.
«We believe this opinion will be overturned, since four prior challenges to the constitutionality of the law making the same argument have been dismissed,» he said.
When I asked Bharara yesterday how he will counter an argument that Silver's lawyers are likely to make — that referring clients counts as «work» in a law firm — he answered, «Show up in court and you'll find out.»
He said the judge might have treated the instructions to the jury differently, and prosecutors «would have been even more careful» about making sure their summation and rebuttal arguments «completely conformed» with the court's new interpretation of the federal theft of honest services law.
Putland's analysis in that blog post relies on the US constitution to make an argument in relation to Australia, and tendentially construes the rule of law.
You could make the argument that the people more ignorant about the law are in favor of it; those that are more knowledgeable about the law are opposed to it.
While Mr. Cuomo and his aides made the argument that his support of legalizing same - sex marriage and stricter gun control laws more than cemented his progressive bona fides, many in the WFP remained unconvinced that Mr. Cuomo — who bragged at the State Democratic Convention about how he had slashed taxes — could adequately represent their party's core values.
The argument is that making appointments to the second chamber allows high - quality, non-partisan individuals to be involved in making our laws, and that elections would serve only to create a political replica of the House of Commons.
By the time a law hits the books, all the legal and ethical arguments in the world can't make a difference.
Could a credible argument have been made in 1969, five years after passage of the Civil Rights Act, that the ambitious law was «not working» and therefore ought to be abandoned?
In any event, you can only make that argument if you also think police should be free to make up criminal law, doctors and pharmaceutical representatives to dictate health policy, and bankers to regulate banking.
But there's an argument to be made that the apogee of conservative social policy was actually in the 1990s, with tough - on - crime laws, which broke the back of a crack - fueled murder wave; welfare reform, which reined in government dependency; and education reform, which curbed monopoly power of the teachers» unions in our big cities.
Includes full details of both cases arguments made final judgements in court and what this means for the law.
To establish that the school was a «state actor,» he made five arguments: that Arizona law defines a charter school as a public school; that a charter school is a state actor for all purposes, including employment; that a charter school provides a public education, a function that is traditionally and exclusively the prerogative of the state; that a charter school is a state actor in Arizona because the state regulates the personnel matters of such schools; and that it is a state actor because charter schools, unlike traditional private schools, are permitted to participate in the state's retirement system.
Not surprisingly, Smith's arguments for both better oversight and more resources for poorer students resonate with points made by the law's critics on the left of center, including teacher unions.
Resources included historical information about Parliament and how laws are made, as well as persuasive argument writing activities.
And it weakens arguments made by the administration that the waiver process will further systemic reform by getting rid of what it considers a broken law that never really was.
One could certainly make an argument with regards to water rights laws, but that's more of a real estate dispute than a Colorado Springs Renters Insurance concern.
«The argument was that there needed to be tougher bankruptcy laws for federal student loans in order to make sure that the money was paid back and the government's pool of resources for those loans wasn't depleted.»
It's an argument that the FDIC raised in their action against Rocky Mountain National Bank, a duty to make sure their debt settlement clients were complaint with state laws and not misleading or harming consumers..
Equally under this Section a solid argument can be made that if the law allows the finder to sell the pet, then the same law allows the finder to permanently keep the pet.
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