Sentences with phrase «leader in the movement for»

«I was shocked: I've been a leader in the movement for 21 years.»

Garfield High School became a leader in the movement for authentic assessment in 2013 when the staff voted unanimously to refuse to administer the Measures of Academic Progress (MAP) test, and were joined by the parents and students in a mass opt out campaign.

Since 1990, Alley Cat Allies has been a global leader in the movement for humane treatment and protection of cats.

Not exact matches

«The movement has been building for a long time; now, it's time to see how powerfully women will speak up on their own behalf in politics, entertainment, etc.,» says Leader - Chivée.

Even more important, in the midst of the #MeToo movement, it has been found that transformational leaders, in particular, are a perfect fit for inspiring, empowering, and retaining women in the workforce.

I'm going to kindly ask those «leaders» to move aside and for the real leaders, like yourself... like Dorsey, to not just support those movements but get in on the ground floor.

Nestlé has been a leader in the «shared value» movement — an effort to show businesses can do good in the world, even as they are doing well for shareholders.

Opportunity Fund is the largest nonprofit lender to small businesses in California and a national leader for the microfinance movement.

In the past, the presence in Alberta of strong Conservative leaders — liable to overshadow the party's federal leader nationally — has not been a recipe for success for the conservative movement federallIn the past, the presence in Alberta of strong Conservative leaders — liable to overshadow the party's federal leader nationally — has not been a recipe for success for the conservative movement federallin Alberta of strong Conservative leaders — liable to overshadow the party's federal leader nationally — has not been a recipe for success for the conservative movement federally.

BIRTH OF A MOVEMENT: For nearly two decades, DeWitt has been pressing church leaders to affirm the church's role in caring for the environmeFor nearly two decades, DeWitt has been pressing church leaders to affirm the church's role in caring for the environmefor the environment.

For me (as for most of us in the movement I think) it's always been about ideas and action and communities, not about any particular personalities or so - called «leaders.&raqFor me (as for most of us in the movement I think) it's always been about ideas and action and communities, not about any particular personalities or so - called «leaders.&raqfor most of us in the movement I think) it's always been about ideas and action and communities, not about any particular personalities or so - called «leaders.»

He is the co-founder and director of Ohio Prophetic Voices, a movement of faith leaders and clergy engaged in a biblically rooted struggle for economic and racial justice.

I actually do a presentation when I seek to explain the modern evangelical movement, particularly to movement leaders here in the United States or to missionaries who have been out of the country for a long time.

But you're right HippyPoet — for the popular movement to keep its momentum and succeed in addressing economic disparity without resorting to violence, it needs a charismatic leader — something their enemy lacks.

Mainline Protestant leaders appeared to take an important step toward joining this movement in November when Robert Edgar, general secretary of the Nation Council of Churches, signed a statement calling on churches to do a better job of articulating God's purposes for marriage, supporting married couples, and proclaiming the good news about marriage to the wider society.

And while there are signs of hope to be found in renewal movements and new forms of Catholic community across the continent, the continued embrace of Catholic Lite by too many western European Catholic leaders and intellectuals bodes ill for a European Catholicism that can inspire Europe to reject demographic suicide and rediscover the joy of creating the future through having children.

Stern offers four reasons for asserting that the militias are intrinsically anti-Semitic: 1) Many of the figures in the militia movement such as John Trochmann and Bo Gritz (who is not a militia leader but does have influence) are anti-Semites.

The conference invited leaders in the Buddhist movement for social justice in Southeast Asia who are now dealing with problems that have long since surfaced elsewhere.

In 1947 J. H. Oldham, a leader of the ecumenical movement in the Christian Church, made a similar but even more forceful appraisal of Buber's significance for ChristianitIn 1947 J. H. Oldham, a leader of the ecumenical movement in the Christian Church, made a similar but even more forceful appraisal of Buber's significance for Christianitin the Christian Church, made a similar but even more forceful appraisal of Buber's significance for Christianity:

... Ask Dom Helder Camara, Brazilian bishop and leader of the nonviolent movement for democracy in Latin America.

Will we find a home in our midst for leaders of faith movements — the Peter Cartwrights and Frances Willards of the 21st century — who inspire us by living out the two greatest moral lessons of life: «to hear» (which can produce «martyrs») and «to dare» (which can produce «heroes»)?

For early Christianity was in its origin a Jewish movement, and the records of the lives and teachings of Jewish religious leaders in that period were invariably preserved in the form of scattered sayings, parables, and anecdotes, handed down by their disciples, quoted and requoted in the schools, and not committed to writing until long after.

Denny Burk, an Associate Professor of Biblical Studies at Boyce College and influential leader in the complementarian movement, wrote a response to me yesterday in which he readily admits that complementarianism is simply a gentler word for patriarchy.

Niebuhr loved the church (and made no apology for being critical of it), gave it devoted service (from pastor in Detroit to leader in the ecumenical movement), and wrote extensively for and about it in his periodical writings.

Lawrence K. Frank, a leader in the mental health movement has observed that if a community's mental health program is to draw on the strengths of our culture and to have meaning for the majority of people, it must be presented as more than a psychiatric proposal.

«This thing» to which he refers began in the 1990s when a group of young evangelical leaders initiated a conversation (they still prefer to call it a «conversation» rather than a movement») about renewing the church for mission in a postmodern world.

The historian of non-violence, William Robert Miller, says that the first explicit reference to non-violence in the Montgomery, Alabama, bus boycott came from a white librarian, Juliette Morgan, who compared the boycott to Gandhi's salt march in a letter to the Montgomery Advertiser on December 12, 1955.35 The development of non-violent strategies in the civil rights movement of the 1950's and 60's arose partly from belief in pacifism as an expression of love in the Fellowship of Reconciliation and Society of Friends from whom many leaders of the movement for racial justice came.

I was part of the evangelical movement for over 12 years, and after hearing the continuous bombardment of hate preached against anyone not submitted to their leaders, stepped away to become a believer in Christ, who came to save not condemn.

So here I am, the leader of a global prayer movement, invited to go and speak at all the biggest conferences in the world, and I'm having to stay home to change nappies and be primary carer, because my prayers for my wife aren't working.

Moses as well was Egyptian and on the exudes him and his people were turned to wander the deserts... those all from the area are descendants of those that were moving for centuries between reigns surrounding the area and they have every right for the holy land as any one else... Just remember that the ottoman army & leaders were all brought on their childhood from East Europian countries and then they got them educated and trained to lead the empire interests... So the people whom you call wanderers are decedents of such as those and Arabs of the Arabian Penisuler whom are known to trade between areas in what is called the Summer and Winter trade movement...

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statIn describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

The movement sparked by students of Marjory Stoneman Douglas High, in the wake of 17 of their classmates being killed in a mass shooting, ought to tell us some things about Generation Z that church leaders should take note of if they want to reach this generation for Christ.

This framework of unity in pluralism has been developed through the movement of national struggle for independence under the leadership of Gandhi, the leader of Renascent Hinduism and Nehru, the advocate of Secular Socialism.

As a result of the initiative, more than 7,500 lives have been saved from abortion; 33 abortion facilities have closed; crisis pregnancy centres that offer real choices for life and for unborn babies have flourished; previously uninvolved church communities have become active in supporting the pro-life cause; new leaders have emerged in the pro-life movement; and a whole variety of newcomers have got involved in pro-life activities.

I can find at 1:19:30 into this video what this man says, that it is the work of the Holy Spirit to take those who are marred and scared, corrupted images bearers bound for hell and restore them into the likeness of Jesus Christ then he goes on to comment on the leaders of the movements: (Maybe not in those exact words but close)

As someone who has spent and been a leader both in the home church movement for about 15 years, and more formally structured congregations for the rest on my life, I can honestly say that there is more than ample room for the Holy Spirit to lead and be rejected in both paradigms.

Pietism in Germany, the evangelical efforts of the Wesleys and Whitefield, and Jonathan Edwards as one of the leaders of the great awakening — these cultivated the fertile soil for the modern Protestant missionary movement.

Fox tells the story from beginning to end: childhood in the German - American parsonage; nine grades of school followed by three years in a denominational «college» that was not yet a college and three year's in Eden Seminary, with graduation at 21; a five - month pastorate due to his father's death; Yale Divinity School, where despite academic probation because he had no accredited degree, he earned the B.D. and M.A.; the Detroit pastorate (1915 - 1918) in which he encountered industrial America and the race problem; his growing reputation as lecturer and writer (especially for The Christian Century); the teaching career at Union Theological Seminary (1928 - 1960); marriage and family; the landmark books Moral Man and Immoral Society and The Nature and Destiny of Man; the founding of the Fellowship of Socialist Christians and its journal Radical Religion; the gradual move from Socialist to liberal Democratic politics, and from leader of the Fellowship of Reconciliation to critic of pacifism; the break with Charles Clayton Morrison's Christian Century and the inauguration of Christianity and Crisis; the founding of the Union for Democratic Action, then later of Americans for Democratic Action; participation in the ecumenical movement, especially the Oxford Conference and the Amsterdam Assembly; increasing friendship with government officials and service with George Kennan's policy - planning group in the State Department; the first stroke in 1952 and the subsequent struggles with ill health; retirement from Union in 1960, followed by short appointments at Harvard, at the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, and at Columbia's Institute of War and Peace Studies; intense suffering from ill health; and death in Stockbridge, Massachusetts, in 1971.

One of the leaders of the world missions movement said in recent years that, while we have been teaching our children and youth how to live for Christ for some years now, the time has come to teach them how to die for Him.

This year AFSA also became internationally active and recognised as a movement leader for food sovereignty in Australia.

I know that there are still a lot to hope for but being defeated without a fight is something else.I have also noticed that Cesc is a great player but not a great leader with authority, i see Cesc taking all the responsabilities on the field, trying to prove his teamate by action but the others just do nt wake up.Cesc is the only guy I see penetrating in the box with good moove and creativity.Thats how we got those great record early season cos Cesc, RVP, Arsha are all performin good movement and creativity in box without the ball.

The Thriving Family Summit is presenting daily interviews with leaders in the conscious, peaceful parenting movement for free to all registrants.

California Food for California Kids ® Awards recognize districts and leaders in the movement to incorporate fresh, seasonal food in school meals.

The early leader in the state pro-marriage movement, Louisiana set off a national debate in August 1997 by enacting a law that permits «covenant marriages, «26 whereby couples promise to stay married for life and renounce their legal right to a no - fault divorce.

Contrary to the movement for a just globalisation (also called the «alterglobalist» movement), the Occupy protests have concentrated less on ideas and counter-expertise and more on gathering people in the streets and tents in order to put pressure on political leaders and strike the media's attention.

Donohue's past endorsement of Republicans (namely former Gov. George Pataki) became an issue during this campaign, with the New York labor leader arguing perhaps more vociferously than his brothers and sisters in the movement that Democrats should not take them for granted and automatically expect to receive their support.

«It's very difficult to see how the current leadership could possibly unite the elements of the party, the Parliamentary Labour Party being a key part of the that,» he argues, before singling out the role of Momentum, the grass roots movement whose aim is «to build on the energy and enthusiasm from the Jeremy Corbyn for Labour Leader campaign», for its part in creating the current civil strife.

The governor has repeatedly insisted the movement was NOT in fact responsible for moving him off his opposition to raising taxes on the state's wealthiest residents (actually, Cuomo and both legislative leaders refuse to see this as a tax hike at all, casting it as a cut for 4.4 million New Yorkers).

The Labour leader, never an EU enthusiast, is a Dr Dolittle pushmi - pullyu when John McDonnell's leading him into seeing Brexit as an opportunity for socialism in one country while another of Jezza's influential comrades, Diane Abbott, tugs him to sustain free movement.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D - N.Y.) said on Thursday that he would introduce legislation to decriminalize marijuana at the federal level, marking a significant shift in policy for the Democratic leader and lending the movement to lower government barriers to the drug a powerfulLeader Chuck Schumer (D - N.Y.) said on Thursday that he would introduce legislation to decriminalize marijuana at the federal level, marking a significant shift in policy for the Democratic leader and lending the movement to lower government barriers to the drug a powerfulleader and lending the movement to lower government barriers to the drug a powerful ally.