Would people tolerate less choice,
less freedom in their health care?
Not exact matches
In fact, money can actually end up trapping you and giving you
less freedom than ever before.
When they do choose to exercise their
freedom and work outside the office, they find they suffer as second - class citizens
in the shadows of their
less inventive and more conservative colleagues.
«Even though Del Ponte gave his team members the
freedom to be slightly
less productive than usual
in terms of hitting up their to - do lists, he was surprised to find that they actually reported increases
in their productivity.
In our engagement with China in Canada, respecting Canada's sovereignty and traditions is no less essential and calls us to uphold principles of intellectual freedom, civil society, and human rights through enforcement of our legal and regulatory standard
In our engagement with China
in Canada, respecting Canada's sovereignty and traditions is no less essential and calls us to uphold principles of intellectual freedom, civil society, and human rights through enforcement of our legal and regulatory standard
in Canada, respecting Canada's sovereignty and traditions is no
less essential and calls us to uphold principles of intellectual
freedom, civil society, and human rights through enforcement of our legal and regulatory standards.
I had a Spanish friend when I lived
in Africa who had to leave her Bible when she went home on leave because it would have been confiscated when she entered the country Individuals and groups willingly give up
freedom, believing that
less freedom will lead to greater security and sometimes it does, but at what cost?
In one study of a fundamentalist Protestant academy (Bethany Bible Academy), a Jewish intellectual found the Bethany students more tolerant on issues of race, religion and
freedom of speech and
less concerned with making a lot of money than their public school peers.
And,
in a very strange reinterpretation of American history, Huckabee declared, «I believe America is an exceptional country created out of the providence of God because of the prayers of people who, on their knees, begged for a place where they could be free and raise their children
in the
freedom to worship and to speak out and to protest, and where every person was equal to every other person
in intrinsic value and worth and no person was worth more or worth
less because of how much land they owned, what their last name was, what their occupation was and what their bloodline was.»
This broader understanding of what we seek to defend should make social conservatives both more and
less political than we have tended to be: We should be more political
in that we do more than occasionally resort to legal appeals to protect our own
freedom of action.
So often it appears that the more of what I become is determined by God, the
less is determined by me
in my
freedom and responsibility.
But to be able to see that maximal power is the power to offer greater, not
less,
freedom to the other —
in short, to empower — is the hallmark of power that involves a mutuality of relatedness.
In a world where any actuality has some degree of
freedom, pursues its own actualization of beauty and value, creatures can misuse their
freedom, work at crosspurposes, and choose to actualize
lesser,
less inclusive values.
This alone is an element of
freedom and democracy
in the fundamental essence of the Church which does not, indeed, render the question of democracy
in the Church superfluous, but which makes it much
less vital, as is also the case
in other free associations.
When I read this, about 15 years ago, I was stunned that God wanted His people to use the tithe to celebrate with our families and to help the
less financially «properous» people (instead of judging them) I had such mixed feelings, of
freedom and joy
in God but also a kind of betrayal from what has been taught, almost to scare us.
The
less successful it is (Or we think it is)
in interfering with our
freedom (i.e., satisfaction of our wants), the
less we resent it.
Under these conditions, holding up the banner of the Protestant Reformation is
less about affirming the theology of Italian Reformed Protestants (as de Chirico's commentary implies) and more about past issues over religious
freedom for Pentecostals who had only been
in Italy for twenty years
in 1928.
We have religious
freedom in this country, which means I couldn't care
less whether or not you think I'm going to hell, and there's nothing you can do to force your religion on me.
But here is the mystery and
freedom of God's way
in election: the
lesser vehicle, Jacob - Israel, bears the promise and the blessing.
Our calling is to invite all to turn from gods which are even
less than human, and from idols like power, profit, property, creed, class, caste, language, race, success, technocratic progress, managerial efficiency and the ego, and thus experience the fulfilling realization of God's Reign which consists
in justice,
freedom and fellowship, tender love, universal compassion and equitable sharing of resources.
It's life
in an environment we used our knowledge and
freedom to domesticate — or make
less alien or unfriendly — with each of our lives, liberty, and even happiness
in mind.
I agree but add: God had no alternative to willing that there be some free creatures, first because (pace Alston) the idea of not creating at all could occur (if I may say so) only to a confused creature, second because, as Peirce, Bergson, and Whitehead have seen, by a «creature» we can consistently mean only a
lesser form of the
freedom or creativity which
in eminent form is deity.
In «The Gospel of Yes» Mike Glenn shows the Gospel is giving us greater freedom, joy, satisfaction, and fulfillment in this life; not les
In «The Gospel of Yes» Mike Glenn shows the Gospel is giving us greater
freedom, joy, satisfaction, and fulfillment
in this life; not les
in this life; not
less.
Having gone into both Afghanistan and Iraq with the full force of American might, Bush dedicated his second inaugural address,
in January 2005, to articulating a «
Freedom Agenda» that
in its moral passion and political scope was no
less breathtaking than the Kennedy inaugural:
Mainly, because
in all the verbiage about
freedoms of beliefs there is something so important, so blatantly acute yet everyone do not even mention it, except - oh genial me: Why would anyone
in the whole world support any type of creed / belief / religion where a whole lot of humans — as
in millions of human women — are not allowed to go to school, to even just read and write -
less become a teacher, doctor, lawyer, president of their own companies, their own countries, mutilated by the millions when they reach puberty, WHY is this allowed?
To the contrary, God and His Gospel are about giving us greater
freedom, greater joy, greater satisfaction, and greater fulfillment
in this life; not
less.
But that
freedom is just one of many that we enjoy
in the United States — and religious tolerance is no more, or
less, valuable than are rights to free speech, to bear arms, to be free from search and seizure, to be presumed innocent until proven otherwise, to be tried by our peers, to have our day
in court, to not be imprisoned or fined without cause, to ensure State's rights, to be free from slavery and involuntary servitude, and on, and on, and on.
Often this is not very significant, but when a special occasion comes along, a crisis, an opportunity to act
in a really important and decisive way, we will be more or less ready to actualize the best possibility In that situation if we have been exercising our freedom attentively all alon
in a really important and decisive way, we will be more or
less ready to actualize the best possibility
In that situation if we have been exercising our freedom attentively all alon
In that situation if we have been exercising our
freedom attentively all along.
The sense of the presence of the other involves a feeling of the concrete actuality of the other, of being truly present to another, of being
less concerned to shape and control the other, of letting the other be himself
in his concrete
freedom.
Job, Plato, and the Greater and
lesser Commandments are my basic traditional assumptions, together with the new
freedom in science to admit self - activity as the index of mentality or the psychical.
Since sin is located fundamentally
in freedom, and
freedom is connected with human self - transcendence, corporate evil is something
less than sin.
The book is a critique of both leftism and the right - liberalism (more «
freedom,»
less «equality»), so prevalent
in today's conservative....
Tragically, we should expect that those systems providing the greatest degree of
freedom, security, and economic opportunity (today, almost all Western or Westernized states
in Asia) will be viewed as rivals and threats to be eliminated — or overrun and poached upon — rather than beacons to be praised and emulated by the
less successful.
We probably, however, have not been able to manage the apostolic
freedom of the «Ti gar,» much
less the positive, tight - lipped breakthrough to the superlative fact that curls up all
lesser facts --»... whether
in pretense or
in truth, Christ is proclaimed: and
in that I rejoice.»
For what this truly and blessedly means is that God can not be
less than man, endowed with personality,
freedom und love, and that the mystery itself is free protective love, not an «objective order» which one can, after all, possess (at least
in principle), and against which one could ensure oneself.
We also face an attack on religious
freedom throughout the world» and now, to a
lesser extent, even
in our own country.
Accordingly, since it is always possible for such
freedom to be used
in less than the most appropriate manner, process theists deny that God could unilaterally have produced a world with no evil.
This modification of materialist physicalism provides one of the elements necessary to allow for
freedom in human beings (and, to a
lesser extent, other animals).
After years of participating
in a comfortable faith tradition, many find themselves
in a spiritual wilderness, feeling disillusioned with church, longing for more
freedom and
less religion
in their lives.
Iraqi Christians are treated
less than third (3rd) class citizens, No Rights of
Freedom of speech or expression, thought, opinion etc., No Rights to Practice Religion, Hateful of Christians, when
in Reality its the Christians that were there LONG before the Arabs, its a matter of facts, Iraqi Christians still speak the ARAMAIC Language, the same exact language as Jesus Christ Spoke (our GOD), the descendant of Abraham, from the Land of the Chaldean «UR».
I would say you have no
freedom to think, you are more or
less in a straight jacket..
While there is a remarkable resemblance, it really should be a question of whether Obama acts like Satan... he certainly seems to want the destruction of Israel... reduction
in religious
freedom...
less individual
freedom... more government control...
In every sphere, physical no less than intellectual and moral, and whether it be a question of flowing water, a traveler on a journey, or a thinker or mystic engaged in the pursuit of truth, there inevitably comes a point in time and place when the necessity presents itself, to mechanical forces, or to our freedom of choice, of deciding once and for all which of two paths is the one to tak
In every sphere, physical no
less than intellectual and moral, and whether it be a question of flowing water, a traveler on a journey, or a thinker or mystic engaged
in the pursuit of truth, there inevitably comes a point in time and place when the necessity presents itself, to mechanical forces, or to our freedom of choice, of deciding once and for all which of two paths is the one to tak
in the pursuit of truth, there inevitably comes a point
in time and place when the necessity presents itself, to mechanical forces, or to our freedom of choice, of deciding once and for all which of two paths is the one to tak
in time and place when the necessity presents itself, to mechanical forces, or to our
freedom of choice, of deciding once and for all which of two paths is the one to take.
«A
freedom open to new creation is
in fact
less centered on subjectivity, on personal authenticity, than on social and political justice; it calls for a reconciliation which itself demands to be inscribed
in the recapitulation of all things.
The field of imagination at any rate is broad, ranging from automatic, instinctual, or reflex actions (
in which the problem of meaning is virtually, but not entirely, non-existent), to more or less habitual modes of response to «natural signs,» and rising ultimately to sophisticated conceptual activity and various poetic or secondary forms of meaning — making in cultural and social significations.19 In the higher reaches of semiotic activity an increase in imaginative freedom is accompanied by a greater risk of erro
in which the problem of meaning is virtually, but not entirely, non-existent), to more or
less habitual modes of response to «natural signs,» and rising ultimately to sophisticated conceptual activity and various poetic or secondary forms of meaning — making
in cultural and social significations.19 In the higher reaches of semiotic activity an increase in imaginative freedom is accompanied by a greater risk of erro
in cultural and social significations.19
In the higher reaches of semiotic activity an increase in imaginative freedom is accompanied by a greater risk of erro
In the higher reaches of semiotic activity an increase
in imaginative freedom is accompanied by a greater risk of erro
in imaginative
freedom is accompanied by a greater risk of error.
However, as we look around today and ask what conditions seem on the whole to make for happiness
in marriage, we are driven to the curious conclusion that the more «civilized people become the
less capable they seem of lifelong happiness with one partner» (p. 135) For a marriage to work requires that there «be a feeling of complete equality on both sides; there must be no interference with mutual
freedom; there must be the most complete physical and mental intimacy; and there must be a certain similarity
in regard to standards of value» (p. 143).
Hume's assertion that our «religious phase» may have been the «inevitable» precondition or «vessel» of secular morality (it isn't clear whether he means naturally or historically inevitable) can't get the ethical humanist secularist around the more haunting question of whether the secular political project of mass ethical secularism is viable, much
less sustainable — especially if that social order is not to be grounded
in philosophy, and especially if the politics
in question must, as apparently it must, be one grounded
in rights to
freedoms.
So, I hold that the idea of
freedom and the social fact of democracy were far
less at work
in places like Cuba, Columbian coast, Brazil, Puerto Rico, Jamaica, Trinidad, etc., than
in our America.
In Protestantism there was less tolerance than in the Roman Catholic Church of dictation by the heads of ecclesiastical hierarchies, and the Protestant spirit found congenial the laissez faire atmosphere of the nineteenth century with its relative freedom from state contro
In Protestantism there was
less tolerance than
in the Roman Catholic Church of dictation by the heads of ecclesiastical hierarchies, and the Protestant spirit found congenial the laissez faire atmosphere of the nineteenth century with its relative freedom from state contro
in the Roman Catholic Church of dictation by the heads of ecclesiastical hierarchies, and the Protestant spirit found congenial the laissez faire atmosphere of the nineteenth century with its relative
freedom from state control.
In this and moments like it, I find myself wishing I prized politeness less and had the interior freedom to kick out my friend and his mistress» or in some way to give the moral truth that has been jammed into a far corner of my conscience some purchase on reality, some public expressio
In this and moments like it, I find myself wishing I prized politeness
less and had the interior
freedom to kick out my friend and his mistress» or
in some way to give the moral truth that has been jammed into a far corner of my conscience some purchase on reality, some public expressio
in some way to give the moral truth that has been jammed into a far corner of my conscience some purchase on reality, some public expression.
And so this negative experience offers us an opportunity to unite,
less, perhaps,
in the positive planning of the
freedom and justice we are seeking than
in our critical opposition to the honor and tenor of unfreedom and injustice.