Sentences with phrase «less in state aid»

Though scholars such as Matthew M. Chingos have asserted that in the grand scheme of things, funding for state tests is a miniscule portion of the total amount spent on K - 12 public education, I wonder how the cost of switching state exams will impact districts that receive disproportionately less in state aid.

That could leave the state with billions less in state aid.

Not exact matches

Half a century after Independence, as of now, we have the largest population of poor people in the world, one third of our rural population is below the poverty line and despite the UN agencies» massive aid projects, the development assistance of the World Bank, bilateral aid, the Center and State governments» intervention, the gap between the rich and the poor has doubled in the last three decades - fifteen years ago the lowest 20 per cent of global population received 2.5 per cent of global wealth whereas at present, the share has been reduced to less than 1.3 per cent.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statIn describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

Thornton goes on to say, «In the sermon of 1750 Jonathan Mayhew declared the Christian principles of government in the faith of which Washington, ordained by God, won liberty for America, not less for England, and ultimately for the world.3 And quite self - consciously, Thornton tied in the American Revolution with the earlier English Puritan Revolution when he stated, «The name of Hugh Peter reminds us that New England shared in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177In the sermon of 1750 Jonathan Mayhew declared the Christian principles of government in the faith of which Washington, ordained by God, won liberty for America, not less for England, and ultimately for the world.3 And quite self - consciously, Thornton tied in the American Revolution with the earlier English Puritan Revolution when he stated, «The name of Hugh Peter reminds us that New England shared in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177in the faith of which Washington, ordained by God, won liberty for America, not less for England, and ultimately for the world.3 And quite self - consciously, Thornton tied in the American Revolution with the earlier English Puritan Revolution when he stated, «The name of Hugh Peter reminds us that New England shared in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177in the American Revolution with the earlier English Puritan Revolution when he stated, «The name of Hugh Peter reminds us that New England shared in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177in English Revolution of 1640; sent preachers and soldiers, aid and comfort to Cromwell; gave an asylum to the tyrannicides, Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell; reaffirmed the same maxims of liberty in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 177in the Revolution of 1688, and stood right on the record for the third revolution of 1776.

In Oregon, the company took state aid to create jobs — then hired prison labor for less than $ 1 an hour.

Local school districts are preparing for another tight budget season this year, with minimal state aid increases projected in Gov. Andrew Cuomo's tentative spending plan and a cap of less than 2 percent on tax levy growth.

He says schools saw a record increase in state aid in the state budget, and no school has been punished with less state funding for not enacting the new teacher evaluations.

We are, however, concerned with the recommended increase of $ 769 million in State Aid funding, which is less than half of that proposed by the Board of Regents.

With the capital city poised to receive $ 500,000 less in additional state aid, and managing the now scuttled $ 620,000 sale of property it owns in Coeymans, Mayor Kathy Sheehan said departments heads will have to take a hard look at overtime costs to fill the gaps in Albany's $ 168 million 2018 budget.

The $ 530 million includes $ 254 million that the city has to contribute to an $ 836 million short - term emergency plan unveiled by MTA chairman Joe Lhota to fix the city's beleaguered subway system — which has been plagued by delays and service problems over the last several months — and $ 140 million less than the city had expected to receive in state aid for city schools.

But Bloomberg said that based on the commitment the state had made to New York City's education budget last year, the city will actually receive $ 1.4 billion less in aid than expected for 2011 - 2012.

In a little over a month, voters in most school districts go to the polls to decide yes or know on that district's spending plan and five of them in Erie County have less state aid to work with in the recently approved state budget In Erie County, Sweet Home sees the biggest cut in overall state.In a little over a month, voters in most school districts go to the polls to decide yes or know on that district's spending plan and five of them in Erie County have less state aid to work with in the recently approved state budget In Erie County, Sweet Home sees the biggest cut in overall state.in most school districts go to the polls to decide yes or know on that district's spending plan and five of them in Erie County have less state aid to work with in the recently approved state budget In Erie County, Sweet Home sees the biggest cut in overall state.in Erie County have less state aid to work with in the recently approved state budget In Erie County, Sweet Home sees the biggest cut in overall state.in the recently approved state budget In Erie County, Sweet Home sees the biggest cut in overall state.In Erie County, Sweet Home sees the biggest cut in overall state.in overall state...

Anticipating less state aid and property tax revenue, the Syracuse City School District is counting on its own fund balance and state legislators to make up the difference in next year's school budget.

All but four school districts in Erie and Niagara counties received less state aid for programs this school year than they did six years ago.

But the governor also said that the state could use the two - month delay to get a better sense of what could be coming from the federal government as President Donald Trump and the Republican Congress craft their own budget, which is anticipated to result in less aid for New York state — especially in terms of support for its sprawling Medicaid program.

The executive director of the New York State School Boards Association, Tim Kremer, says the $ 859 million increase in state aid to schools included in the new budget is less than what is needed to maintain current progState School Boards Association, Tim Kremer, says the $ 859 million increase in state aid to schools included in the new budget is less than what is needed to maintain current progstate aid to schools included in the new budget is less than what is needed to maintain current programs.

While only 22 % percent of New Yorkers think the recently enacted state budget is either excellent or good for the people of the state, at least 71 % agree that creating a $ 2.5 billion clean water infrastructure fund, increasing aid to local school districts by $ 1.1 billion, allowing ride - sharing services to operate in the state, and making SUNY / CUNY tuition free for families making less than $ 125,000 will make New York better, according to a new Siena College poll of New York State registered voters released early Monday morstate budget is either excellent or good for the people of the state, at least 71 % agree that creating a $ 2.5 billion clean water infrastructure fund, increasing aid to local school districts by $ 1.1 billion, allowing ride - sharing services to operate in the state, and making SUNY / CUNY tuition free for families making less than $ 125,000 will make New York better, according to a new Siena College poll of New York State registered voters released early Monday morstate, at least 71 % agree that creating a $ 2.5 billion clean water infrastructure fund, increasing aid to local school districts by $ 1.1 billion, allowing ride - sharing services to operate in the state, and making SUNY / CUNY tuition free for families making less than $ 125,000 will make New York better, according to a new Siena College poll of New York State registered voters released early Monday morstate, and making SUNY / CUNY tuition free for families making less than $ 125,000 will make New York better, according to a new Siena College poll of New York State registered voters released early Monday morState registered voters released early Monday morning.

There are unfunded mandates and lack of aid from the state, and while he has provided more money for education, it is less than the Campaign for Fiscal Equity settlement [the 2006 court ruling requiring the state to pay billions in backpay to shortchanged school districts]... When [Assembly Speaker Carl] Heastie proposed a slightly progressive income tax, he just rejected it.

SYRACUSE, N.Y. — Anticipating less state aid and property tax revenue, the Syracuse City School District is counting on its own fund balance and state legislators to make up the difference in next year's school budget.

The legislation adjusted aid calculations so the amount received by districts would be less than the amount promised, with the reductions going to fill the hole in state fiscal planning.

Albany receives far less per capita in state aid than other upstate cities with similar social and economic problems, city officials have argued.

State and federal aid has been flat — Rockland County, particularly the Town of Ramapo, is fiscally stressed due to the property tax cap, making it a formidable challenge to bring the county budget in at less than two percent.

Bolton, due to its high property values, relies less on state aid, which totaled more than $ 745,000 in a budget of $ 8.3 million in 2010 - 11.

The Democrat noted that Albany receives less per - capita state Aid and Incentives for Municipalities support than every other community in the state with a population of more than 50,000.

DiNapoli's report states that in the last decade, federal and state aid grew an average of 2.2 percent a year, which was less than the inflation rate of 2.4 percent during the same time.

She said that because of the cuts the state began making in school aid after the economic downturn, the net amount of operating aid the district would get next year under Cuomo's budget — $ 217.1 million — would be less than the $ 217.3 million in aid it received in 2008 - 09.

Dead Extending governor's budget power: If Washington sends the state less aid in the coming year, the governor wants his administration to decide how to shift spending after the budget deal is passed.

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton today declared that recent scientific advances in HIV / AIDS have created a «historic opportunity» to change the course of the pandemic and usher in a generation where no children are born with the virus, the risk of becoming infected plummets for teens and adults, and those who do become infected receive drugs that both ward off disease and make them less infectious.

The head of the state's school administrators» association said $ 14.2 million in state aid specifically targeted to less wealthy...

With fewer students, the district received less state aid, but since communities do not want to see their neighborhood schools shut down, the district had good political reasons to keep as many schools in operation as possible.

The reductions in state education aid — coupled with cuts approved in two special sessions last year — mean districts will receive about 5 percent less in 2008 - 09 than they did in the previous school year.

Bedard and Do conclude that the decrease in graduation rates of middle schoolers is «a surprising result for a program with the stated aim of aiding less able students.»

Although it is a «high aid» district, in the current school year the District will spend less per pupil than the state average for instructional costs.

Alison Ryan, education policy adviser at the Association of Teachers and Lecturers (ATL), said: «While many state faith schools are excellent schools, with mixed pupil intakes, some voluntary aided schools, whether intentionally or not, are less diverse ethnically and have fewer disadvantaged pupils because of the faith criteria they use in their admissions policies.

The larger a district's tax base, the less money it receives in state aid.

Currently, the Sparsity Aid Program aims to offset the challenges faced by the smallest, most rural school districts in the state through providing $ 300 in per - pupil funding for districts with enrollments of 745 or less and a density of less than 10 pupils per square mile.

Overall, 31 Connecticut communities would see an increase in aid while 138 towns would get less state funds, with many towns getting significantly less state education funding.

The Senate Republican plan also nearly eliminates Walker's proposed $ 20 million increase in aid for rural schools, and increases the amount of money school districts that spend less on each student than the state average can raise in property taxes.

The TPP supplemental foundation aid in FY 2017 was intended to guarantee that districts do not receive less funding (state foundation aid and TPP replacement) than FY 2015 levels.

In the late nineteenth century, bar associations» power grew and these entities sought to limit infringement on their services by those outside of the profession.3 Less than 30 years after it was first published, the ABA's Canon of Professional Ethics in 1937 added a clear denunciation of UPL, stating «No lawyer shall permit his professional services, or his name, to be used in aid of, or to make possible the [UPL] by any agency, personal or corporate.&raquIn the late nineteenth century, bar associations» power grew and these entities sought to limit infringement on their services by those outside of the profession.3 Less than 30 years after it was first published, the ABA's Canon of Professional Ethics in 1937 added a clear denunciation of UPL, stating «No lawyer shall permit his professional services, or his name, to be used in aid of, or to make possible the [UPL] by any agency, personal or corporate.&raquin 1937 added a clear denunciation of UPL, stating «No lawyer shall permit his professional services, or his name, to be used in aid of, or to make possible the [UPL] by any agency, personal or corporate.&raquin aid of, or to make possible the [UPL] by any agency, personal or corporate.»

The High Court judge, Mr Justice Francis, said that Parliament can not have intended for legal aid not to be available in such cases: «However, it does seem to me that when Parliament changed the law in relation to legal aid and significantly restricted the availability of legal aid, yet continued to make legal aid available in care cases where the state is seeking orders against parents, it can not have intended that parents in the position that these parents have been in should have no access to legal advice or representation... I am aware that there are many parents around the country in similar positions where their cases have been less public and where they have had to struggle to represent themselves.

Compiled by the National Center for Access to Justice at Cardozo Law School, the Justice Index 2016 paints a dramatic picture of the nation's justice gap, including the finding that there is less than one civil legal aid attorney for every 10,000 poor people in the United States.

In states where a natural disaster has been declared by the president, the uninsured or under - insured could receive federal aid, but that is capped at just over $ 30,000, and a typical payment is likely to be much less.

Further, the Bureau stated its belief in the proposal that disclosure of settlement costs alone, without the context provided by the credit terms, is far less effective in aiding consumer understanding of the transaction.