Renters insurance in South Carolina is quite inexpensive, often
less than in other states, and if you need to increase the personal property coverage or the liability coverage you'll find it generally adds only a few dollars a year.
Renters insurance in South Carolina is quite inexpensive, often
less than in other states, and if you need to increase the personal property coverage or the liability coverage you'll find it generally adds only a few dollars a year.
Not exact matches
Oil prices might have bottomed as output
in the United
States and
other non-OPEC producers is beginning to fall quickly and an increase
in supply from Iran has been
less than dramatic, the International Energy Agency said on Friday.
Though they admit comparisons are tricky, economists generally view public retirement benefits
in the United
States as
less generous
than those
in many
other wealthy nations.
Even though the Massachusetts filers owed substantially more
in unsecured debt (that is, debt not backed by a home, a car, or another asset)
than their counterparts
in other states, they reported
less than half as much medical debt, which is also unsecured.
On average, Oregonians make
less than many
other states in the top 10.
Despite data from an ABC News poll that indicated only 26 percent of Americans felt they worked too hard, analysts have found that not only do people from the United
States work longer hours
than individuals
in other countries, but they also take
less time off and retire later.
A roundup of gun control and violence studies by writer German Lopez at Vox shows Americans represent
less than 5 % of the world population but possess nearly 50 % of the world's civilian - owned guns, police are about three times more likely to be killed
in states with high gun ownership, countries with more guns see more gun deaths, and
states with tighter gun control laws see fewer gun - related deaths, among
other sobering statistics.
Figuring out why
states fared poorly in America's Top States For Business 2008 takes a bit less work than determining why others did
states fared poorly
in America's Top
States For Business 2008 takes a bit less work than determining why others did
States For Business 2008 takes a bit
less work
than determining why
others did well.
Michigan does not have an audit system, but it's important to note that the
state's residents vote on optical scan machines, a type of machine that's considered
less vulnerable to hacking
than the paperless, touchscreen machines used
in some
other states.
This means that if you buy a home anywhere
in the
state other than Jefferson County, and you get a loan for $ 417,000 or
less, you will have a conforming loan which is eligible for normal interest rates.
Those low rates mean that homeowners
in the city often pay
less than those
in other parts of the
state, despite the city's sky - high real estate values.
But a high cost of living leaves Alaska residents with
less income after paying expenses
than residents
in 46
other states have.
The company has been
in a constant
state of damage control over social media, and the
other day, it replaced a temporary CEO who had been
in the role for
less than a month.
Illinois residents are
less likely to live paycheck to paycheck
than residents
in more
than half of the
other states thanks to a relatively high median household income and manageable expenses.
It is worth noting that the 12
states holding contests, Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Colorado, Georgia, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont and Virginia, were not only
less affected by the housing crisis, but have stronger housing markets today
than most
other states in the nation.
But closing down unnecessary capacity can pay for itself, even if unemployed workers are temporarily put on the government payroll (causing debt to rise, but usually by
less than it had before), but only temporarily as Beijing takes
other measures to boost household income through wealth transfers from the
state and so to boost consumption, a form of demand which is likely to be more labor intensive
than the demand created
in the process of over-capacity.
Vermont also has the third - lowest average savings APY at 0.14 %, so people who live there will save
less than in most
other states and earn
less interest on the savings they do have.
Seniors who rely solely on Social Security and
other retirement income totaling
less than $ 12,000 do not have to pay
state taxes on retirement income
in Virginia.
But
other living expenses are higher and take a bigger bite out of paychecks, leaving residents with
less wiggle room
in their budgets
than in states with a lower cost of living.
We believe our operations, as they are focused on Los Angeles International Airport (LAX) and San Francisco International Airport (SFO), are more susceptible to seasonality
than some of the
other domestic airlines because our discretionary customers
in California may be
less likely to fly to
other regions of the United
States during the colder seasons.
In part, because the Australian financial system and economy entered the turbulence in strong shape, it has been considerably less affected than those in other countries, most obviously the United State
In part, because the Australian financial system and economy entered the turbulence
in strong shape, it has been considerably less affected than those in other countries, most obviously the United State
in strong shape, it has been considerably
less affected
than those
in other countries, most obviously the United State
in other countries, most obviously the United
States.
In other words, from an America First perspective, efficiently allocating capital investment to create the most value for the global economy is
less important
than bringing that investment into the United
States, even though it might be
less productive here.
And Americans» support for meritocratic principles has remained stable over the last two decades despite growing economic inequality, recessions, and the fact that there is
less mobility
in the United
States than in most
other industrialized countries.
Industrial hemp
in West Virginia needs to produce
less than 1 % THC opposed to 0.3 %
in all
other states.
«Mr. Speaker, today
in First Nations communities across the country, the unemployment rate can reach 80 %, half of the housing units are
in a pitiful
state and schools and students receive 30 %
less funding
than others,» Thomas Mulcair reported.
Unlike manufacturing
in many
other advanced and emerging markets, the share of traded goods
in the United
States economy is
less than in other economies.
I know this is a bit off topic here... But my wife and I are looking into buying a home of no more
than $ 250,000, which is completely doable
in the
State we live
in (COL is
less than most
other States).
In 5 of the 10 «Auto Alley» states — Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, South Carolina, and Tennessee — new hires at auto parts plants are paid roughly one - quarter less than the other auto parts workers in the stat
In 5 of the 10 «Auto Alley»
states — Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, South Carolina, and Tennessee — new hires at auto parts plants are paid roughly one - quarter
less than the
other auto parts workers
in the stat
in the
state.
More mormons outside of the United
States than in it... there is a reason why they focus so much
in other countries... and prefer the
less educated ones.
The Civil Rights Movement
in the United
States helped millions of people who had
less rights
than others and those who where discriminated against because of who they are or what they looked like.
Although poverty often appears
less extreme
in the United
States than in other countries, it is nonetheless real.
This déchristianisation included abolishing contemplative religious orders; confiscating monastic and
other ecclesiastical properties; forcing the clergy to sign an oath of loyalty to the
state in the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790); killing thousands of non-oath-taking priests
in the Vendée uprising of 1793; pillaging churches and monasteries throughout France and Europe to finance the revolutionary armies fighting abroad; the abrogation of the Gregorian calendar and attempt to introduce a new one based on Revolutionary - era sensibilities; the renaming of streets and locales from saints» names to figures and ideals of the Revolution; the brief transformation of the venerable Notre Dame cathedral into a «Temple of Reason,» dedicated «to philosophy»; and, not least, the abduction and exile of no
less than two popes, Pius VI (1798) and Pius VII (1809).
But even that significant action will probably receive
less attention
in the history books
than John Paul II's trip to Poland
in June 1979, when millions of his compatriots ignored official disapproval to attend masses and
other Catholic services — and so accelerated, or maybe sparked, the shaking that eventually brought down
state - communism
in Eastern Europe.
We must also note that the large majority of those who migrated from the Old World to the Thirteen Colonies did so from
other than religious motives and that as late as A.D. i8oo
less than one - tenth of the population of what by then had become the United
States held membership
in any of the churches.
And
in this Trinity none is before or after another; none is greater or
less than another; but the whole three persons are coeternal with each
other and coequal, so that
in all things, as has been
stated above, the Trinity
in Unity and Unity
in Trinity is to be worshiped.
The promotional materials for the Festival of Hope
state that «Canadians today know
less about Jesus
than at any
other time
in Canadian history.»
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement
in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes
in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham
in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in his relationships with presidents and
other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and
other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat
in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in 1964; a battle over sex education
in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in Anaheim, California,
in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks
in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in West Virginia
in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought
less violently
in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency
in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had
in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level
than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and
state.
A large number of computer software companies from the United
States are developing software
in Bangalore, India, at
less than one - fifth of the price
in other countries.
Buffalo Trace Distillery was named a National Historic Landmark by the United
States Department of the Interior
in 2013, sharing this distinction with
less than 3,000
other properties
in the United
States.
Of course, the 3 -3-5 is
less rare
in the MWC
than in other conferences thanks to the presence of Rocky Long's consistently awesome defense at San Diego
State (plus Bob Davie's far
less successful version at New Mexico).
You
state we need a striker yet we scored two
less than the title winners seven
less than city, 2014/2015 we scored three
less than Chelsea and 12
less than city you have to go back to 2013/14 to find a time where we were way behind
in terms of goals scored and that was a massive 33 and 34 goals behind city and Utd with both those teams scoring 100 goals plus, the reason we need a striker is not as you and
others push to win the title but to give strength and depth to an area that is thin on ground.
Black mothers
in the United
States are
less likely to breastfeed their babies
than other moms, and many cite a personal preference for the bottle as the primary reason, new research finds.
Breastfeeding
Less Common for Black Moms Black mothers in the United States are less likely to breastfeed their babies than other moms, and many cite a personal preference for the bottle as the primary reason, new research fi
Less Common for Black Moms Black mothers
in the United
States are
less likely to breastfeed their babies than other moms, and many cite a personal preference for the bottle as the primary reason, new research fi
less likely to breastfeed their babies
than other moms, and many cite a personal preference for the bottle as the primary reason, new research finds.
Furthermore, it is now clear that all kinds of crying (i.e. fussing, crying and inconsolable crying) is prolonged, that this prolongation occurs only
in the first few months, and that inconsolable crying is almost unique to the first few months of life.3, 40 The «unpredictability» of the crying, and of the caregiver's ability or inability to soothe the infant is most likely due to the facts that (1) the infant cry in the first few months is a reflection of the organization of its behavioural states (crying, awake alert, sleeping), rather than an intentional «signal,» 14 (2) that behavioural state changes occur in «steps» rather than due to increases or decreases in arousal7, 41 and (3) infants are resistant to behavioural state change unless they are in a transitional phase in which they are «ready» to change state.7 Finally, there is now good evidence that the proportion of infants that have evidence of organic disease to explain their crying is less than 5 %.8, 42,43 In the absence of other compromise, infants with «colic» have as good an outcome as infants without «colic.&raqu
in the first few months, and that inconsolable crying is almost unique to the first few months of life.3, 40 The «unpredictability» of the crying, and of the caregiver's ability or inability to soothe the infant is most likely due to the facts that (1) the infant cry
in the first few months is a reflection of the organization of its behavioural states (crying, awake alert, sleeping), rather than an intentional «signal,» 14 (2) that behavioural state changes occur in «steps» rather than due to increases or decreases in arousal7, 41 and (3) infants are resistant to behavioural state change unless they are in a transitional phase in which they are «ready» to change state.7 Finally, there is now good evidence that the proportion of infants that have evidence of organic disease to explain their crying is less than 5 %.8, 42,43 In the absence of other compromise, infants with «colic» have as good an outcome as infants without «colic.&raqu
in the first few months is a reflection of the organization of its behavioural
states (crying, awake alert, sleeping), rather
than an intentional «signal,» 14 (2) that behavioural
state changes occur
in «steps» rather than due to increases or decreases in arousal7, 41 and (3) infants are resistant to behavioural state change unless they are in a transitional phase in which they are «ready» to change state.7 Finally, there is now good evidence that the proportion of infants that have evidence of organic disease to explain their crying is less than 5 %.8, 42,43 In the absence of other compromise, infants with «colic» have as good an outcome as infants without «colic.&raqu
in «steps» rather
than due to increases or decreases
in arousal7, 41 and (3) infants are resistant to behavioural state change unless they are in a transitional phase in which they are «ready» to change state.7 Finally, there is now good evidence that the proportion of infants that have evidence of organic disease to explain their crying is less than 5 %.8, 42,43 In the absence of other compromise, infants with «colic» have as good an outcome as infants without «colic.&raqu
in arousal7, 41 and (3) infants are resistant to behavioural
state change unless they are
in a transitional phase in which they are «ready» to change state.7 Finally, there is now good evidence that the proportion of infants that have evidence of organic disease to explain their crying is less than 5 %.8, 42,43 In the absence of other compromise, infants with «colic» have as good an outcome as infants without «colic.&raqu
in a transitional phase
in which they are «ready» to change state.7 Finally, there is now good evidence that the proportion of infants that have evidence of organic disease to explain their crying is less than 5 %.8, 42,43 In the absence of other compromise, infants with «colic» have as good an outcome as infants without «colic.&raqu
in which they are «ready» to change
state.7 Finally, there is now good evidence that the proportion of infants that have evidence of organic disease to explain their crying is
less than 5 %.8, 42,43
In the absence of other compromise, infants with «colic» have as good an outcome as infants without «colic.&raqu
In the absence of
other compromise, infants with «colic» have as good an outcome as infants without «colic.»
Although nonhospital births (births that occur
in a home, free - standing birth center, or
other location that is not inside or attached to a hospital) account for
less than 2 % of births
in the United
States, they have substantially increased since 2004.
I have always noticed that naps
in the United
States are taken much
less seriously (and even discouraged)
than in other countries around the world.
[1] We have the most highly sophisticated and expensive system of maternity care
in the world, yet
in the same year twenty
other countries — countries with
less technology
than we have
in our hospitals and laboratories — had more babies survive their first months of life
than our babies
in the United
States.
And the program has reached more people
in less time
than some of the
state's
other safe - sleep efforts, McCans says.
In these
States, whichever candidate receives a majority of the popular vote, or a plurality of the popular vote (
less than 50 percent but more
than any
other candidate), takes all of the
state's Electoral votes.