Mothers» current or recent welfare participation is linked with poor cognitive achievement, and preschoolers of recent welfare leavers have the most elevated
levels of problem behaviour.
For example, it is clear that effortful control is linked to positive development, even in the first five years of life, since it has been associated with lower
levels of problem behaviours and has been found to correlate with and predict low levels of negative emotion, highly committed compliance, high levels of social competence, and conscience.
In the Raine Study sample, children who experienced adverse prenatal environments experienced increased
levels of problem behaviours in childhood, and more problematic mental health trajectories.
Not exact matches
That shows a huge
level of biblical illiteracy among folks out there who don't have a
problem with that or who wouldn't see that as questionable
behaviour.
A substantial body
of research now indicates that high
levels of involvement by fathers in two parent families are associated with a range
of desirable outcomes in children and young people, including: better peer relationships; fewer
behaviour problems; lower criminality and substance abuse; higher educational / occupational mobility, relative to that
of parents; capacity for empathy; non-traditional attitudes to earning and childcare; more satisfying adult sexual partnerships; and higher self - esteem and life - satisfaction (for reviews see Flouri 2005; Pleck and Masciadrelli 2004).
For example, when a father is involved in low -
level antisocial
behaviour, his child will exhibit more conduct
problems if s / he doesn't live with him than if s / he does; when the father is engaged in high
levels of antisocial
behaviour, the child who lives with him will exhibit more conduct
problems than the child who lives in another household (Jaffee et al 2003, cited by Flouri 2005).
Low family income during the early childhood has been linked to comparatively less secure attachment, 4 higher
levels of negative moods and inattention, 5 as well as lower
levels of prosocial
behaviour in children.2 The link between low family income and young children's
problem behaviour has been replicated across several datasets with different outcome measures, including parental reports
of externalizing and internalizing behaviours,1 - 3, 7 -9,11-12 teacher reports
of preschool behavioural
problems, 10 and assessments
of children based on clinical diagnostic interviews.7
Finally, a Finnish trial
of universal home visiting by nurses35 and two U.S. programs implemented by master's degree -
level mental health or developmental clinicians have found significant effects on a number
of important child behavioural
problems.36, 37 Additionally, a paraprofessional home visitation program found effects on externalizing and internalizing
behaviours at child age 2; however due to the large number
of effects measured in this study, replication
of the findings is warranted.38
The psychosocial outcome receiving the most attention from researchers is
problem behaviour, with most studies finding perceived negative reactivity in infancy to predict
problem behaviour in childhood33, 34 and adolescent.35 Specifically, infants prone to high
levels of fear, frustration, and sadness, as well as difficulty recovering from such distress, were found to be at increased risk for internalizing and externalizing
problem behaviours according to parental and / or teacher report.
He suggested that despite high
levels of concern about the
problem anti-social
behaviour does not have the same status in police officers» minds as «crime».
Mr Coussens says for some years, clinicians had thought that
behaviour problems seen in children with sleep - related breathing
problems - like sleep apnoea (stopping breathing briefly while sleeping)- were related to a desaturation
of blood oxygen
levels.
Summer - born children were perceived by teachers to have lower
levels of language ability and have more instances
of behaviour problems.
Job demands on principals have increased, staff and student mental health issues are on the rise and unacceptable
levels of offensive
behaviour, bullying and violence are often part
of the growing
problem.
For example, compared to controls at post-test, pupils in SEL programmes demonstrated superior SEL skills and prosocial attitudes, higher
levels of prosocial
behaviour, reduced
levels of conduct
problems and emotional distress, and enhanced academic performance including up to an 11 percentile gain in school achievement.
A study from 2004 showed that dogs trained with more rewards showed higher
levels of obedience, and that dogs trained with more punishment exhibited more
problem behaviours.
Auburn University College
of Veterinary Medicine: Evaluation
of Plasma Cortisol
Levels and Behavior in Dogs Wearing Bark Control Collar Animal Behavior Resources Institute: AVSAB Guidelines: The Use
of Punishment for Dealing with Animal Behavior
Problems The Humane Society
of the United States: Dog Collarshttp: / / www.humanesociety.org/animals/dogs/tips/collars.html University
of Bristol Department
of Clinical Veterinary Science, Anthrozoology Institute: Dog Training Methods: Their Use, Effectiveness and Interaction With
Behaviour and Welfare
From the point
of view
of the children
of separating families, the costs
of conflict can include: impaired brain development; higher incidences
of truancy and delinquency, alcohol and drug use and other maladaptive
behaviours; higher
levels of stress and psychological disorder; and, in their lives as adults,
problems forming stable, trusting relationships and dispute resolution strategies modelled on their parents» approaches.
The highest
level is for parents
of children with concurrent child
behaviour problems and family dysfunction such as relationship conflict.
A total difficulties score ranging from 0 to 40 was derived by summing all subscales excluding prosocial
behaviours.16 Total difficulties scores are considered to provide an indicator
of level of risk for emotional or behavioural
problems.
Most adolescents (69.8 %) continued to meet full criteria for ADHD, were known to specialist services and exhibited high
levels of antisocial
behaviour, criminal activity and substance use
problems.
/ Patient satisfaction / Partners in assessment / Partnership with parents / Patterns / Peacebuilding / Peer group treatment / Peer pressure (1) / Peer pressure (2) / Peer subcultures / Peers / Perceptions / Permanency planning / Permanency planning and residential care / Permission / «Persona»
of the residential center / Personal integrity / Personal qualities / Personal resources / Personnel / Perspectives on restraint / Pessimistic approaches / Philosophy / Philosophy in careworker training / Philosophy
of care / Philosophy on
behaviour / Physical environment (1) / Physical environment (2) / Physical restraint / Pinocchio / Place
of the group / Placed adolescents and their parents / Placement / Placement
of acting - out children / Planned ignoring / Planning / Play (1) / Play (2) / Play, work and growth / Pleasures / Points and
levels / Points and
levels dilemma / Positive context for residential placements / Positive discipline / Positive peer culture (1) / Positive peer culture (2) / Positive peer culture (3) / Positive peer culture in corrections / Positive peer culture
problem - solving list / Positive peer groups / Poverty, guilt, and hopelessness / Power / Power and control / Power
of peers / Power struggles / Powerful environment / Powerful life events / Powerlessness
of punishment / Practice (1) / Practice (2) / Practice skills training / Practice theory / Practice vs. organisation?
Low family income during the early childhood has been linked to comparatively less secure attachment, 4 higher
levels of negative moods and inattention, 5 as well as lower
levels of prosocial
behaviour in children.2 The link between low family income and young children's
problem behaviour has been replicated across several datasets with different outcome measures, including parental reports
of externalizing and internalizing behaviours,1 - 3, 7 -9,11-12 teacher reports
of preschool behavioural
problems, 10 and assessments
of children based on clinical diagnostic interviews.7
Clear policies and guidelines will help to shift the focus away from reacting to individual incidents on the
level of personal
problems and
behaviour to preventing them from happening on a systemic
level by addressing the context that allows those incidents to happen.
The families who consented to enter the trial were representative
of eligible families from a socioeconomic point
of view and they were also more likely to have a child with clinical
level behaviour problems than were those who refused.
«The review showed there are strong and consistent relationships between racial discrimination and a range
of detrimental health outcomes such as low self - esteem, reduced resilience, increased
behaviour problems and lower
levels of wellbeing.»
Enhanced Triple P (
Level 5) Parents
of children with concurrent child
behaviour problems and family dysfunction such as parental depression or stress or conflict between partners.
Health service resources spent on children with conduct disorder are considerable: 30 %
of child consultations with general practitioners are for
behaviour problems, 8 and 45 %
of community child health referrals are for
behaviour disturbances - with an even higher
level at schools for children with special needs and in clinics for children with developmental delay, where challenging
behaviour is a common
problem.9 Psychiatric disorders are present in 28 %
of paediatric outpatient referrals.10 Social services departments expend a lot
of effort trying to protect disruptive children whose parents can no longer cope without hitting or abusing them.
The remaining participants were divided into three mutually exclusive subgroups, reflecting different
levels of severity
of childhood antisocial
behaviour: no behavioural or emotional
problems on screening or parental interview; high scores on screening, with a predominance
of antisocial
problems but no disorder on parental interview; and high scores on screening, with a diagnosis
of conduct disorder on parental interview (table 1).
[3] We now know that negative, inconsistent parental
behaviour in families with high
levels of adversity are associated with emergence
of problems in early childhood and later life.
In addition, child maltreatment has been shown to have lifelong adverse health, social, and economic consequences for survivors, including behavioural
problems; increased risk
of delinquency, criminality and violent
behaviour; increased risk
of chronic diseases; lasting impacts or disability from physical injury; reduced health - related quality
of life; and lower
levels of economic well - being.
At a scientific
level, comparability across studies is critical and requires clear definitions
of severe
problem behaviour.
Two posthoc tests
of interaction provided no evidence
of differential effects
of intervention on externalising or internalising
behaviour problems by preintervention risk based on (1) a maternal mental health
problem (clinical -
level depression, anxiety or stress) or (2) infant difficult temperament.
If, for example, child
behaviour problems explain heightened
levels of psychological distress and coping strategies explain or contribute to resilience, then interventions that effectively ameliorate
behaviour problems and / or equip parents with effective coping strategies should reduce psychological distress and family dysfunction.
A key research finding is that (a) children with ID are more likely to exhibit internalising and externalising
behaviour problems in comparison with typically developing children, and (b) in the absence
of significant child
behaviour problems, parents
of children with ID do not, on average, report heightened
levels of distress [4 •, 16, 27, 28].
This hypothesis was well supported: Families with high
levels of social support and low
levels of financial hardship typically enjoyed average or above average family life congruence even when the number and intensity
of child
behaviour problems were high.
The observation that the
level of interest in attending programmes was predicted, not by social class, but by the presence
of behaviour problems, suggests that a universal programme would preferentially attract many
of the parents most in need.
We have investigated the extent to which interest in attending parenting programmes is determined by factors such as socioeconomic status, educational
level, and the presence
of behaviour problems among the children, in a survey
of a representative sample
of parents
of 2 — 8 year olds in Oxford.
This pathway is characterized by three elements: the onset
of conduct
problems (such as developmentally excessive
levels of aggression, noncompliance, and other oppositional
behaviour) in the preschool and early school - age years; a high degree
of continuity throughout childhood and into adolescence and adulthood; and a poor prognosis.1, 2 The most comprehensive family - based formulation for the early - starter pathway has been the coercion model developed by Patterson and his colleagues.3, 4 The model describes a process
of «basic training» in conduct -
problem behaviours that occurs in the context
of an escalating cycle
of coercive parent - child interactions in the home, beginning prior to school entry.
In 2001 PTUK introduced the «Spectrum
of Needs» and «Therapeutic Play Continuum» concepts that recognise that children have a wide range
of emotional,
behaviour and mental health
problems and that professionals with a variety
of interventions and skill
levels can safely and effectively alleviate these conditions.
Children who have disorganized attachment with their primary attachment figure have been shown to be vulnerable to stress, have
problems with regulation and control
of negative emotions, and display oppositional, hostile - aggressive
behaviours, and coercive styles
of interaction.2, 3 They may exhibit low self - esteem, internalizing and externalizing
problems in the early school years, poor peer interactions, unusual or bizarre
behaviour in the classroom, high teacher ratings
of dissociative
behaviour and internalizing symptoms in middle childhood, high
levels of teacher - rated social and behavioural difficulties in class, low mathematics attainment, and impaired formal operational skills.3 They may show high
levels of overall psychopathology at 17 years.3 Disorganized attachment with a primary attachment figure is over-represented in groups
of children with clinical
problems and those who are victims
of maltreatment.1, 2,3 A majority
of children with early disorganized attachment with their primary attachment figure during infancy go on to develop significant social and emotional maladjustment and psychopathology.3, 4 Thus, an attachment - based intervention should focus on preventing and / or reducing disorganized attachment.
Studies demonstrating the efficacy
of PMT interventions show improvements in parental perceptions and parenting skills, improvements in children's social skills and school adjustment, and reductions in
behaviour and attention
problems.66, 67 PMT interventions are associated with large effect sizes, 68 the effects often generalize to a variety
of home and community settings, 69,70 they are maintained over time, 71 and are associated with high
levels of consumer satisfaction.72 PMT has been successfully used with two - biological - parent families, step - parents and single parents.
From a socio - cultural viewpoint, cognitively responsive
behaviours (e.g. maintaining versus redirecting interests, rich verbal input) are thought to facilitate higher
levels of learning because they provide a structure or scaffold for the young child's immature skills, such as developing attentional and cognitive capacities.9 Responsive
behaviours in this framework promote joint engagement and reciprocity in the parent - child interaction and help a child learn to assume a more active and ultimately independent role in the learning process.10 Responsive support for the child to become actively engaged in solving
problems is often referred to as parental scaffolding, and is also thought to be key for facilitating children's development
of self - regulation and executive function skills,
behaviours that allow the child to ultimately assume responsibility for their well - being.11, 12
16 Parental knowledge is thought to provide a global cognitive organization for adapting to or anticipating developmental changes in children.17 Mothers who are knowledgeable respond more sensitively to their child's initiations, 18 while mothers with inaccurate expectations about their child's development tend to be more harsh.19, 20,21 Studies have indicated that when mothers have higher knowledge
of infant and child development, they show higher
levels of parenting skills, 16,22,23 their children have higher cognitive skills, 16,24 and there are fewer child
behaviour problems.16 Furthermore, a positive association has been found between parental self - efficacy and parenting competence when knowledge
of child development is high.
Although the results
of earlier studies are somewhat inconsistent, there is empirical evidence for elevated
levels of both internalizing and externalizing
behaviour problems in children
of PPD mothers [15, 38, 39, 40].
A systematic review
of neighbourhood characteristics and health outcomes only identified one study that considered mental disorders.12, 13 Recent studies have shown that neighbourhood social disorganisation is associated with depressive symptoms14 and that living in socioeconomically deprived areas is associated with depression, 15,16 with higher
levels of child
problem behaviour, 17 with a higher incidence
of non-psychotic disorders.18 A randomised controlled trial that moved families from high poverty neighbourhoods to non-poor neighbourhoods showed that both parents and children who moved reported fewer psychological distress symptoms than did control families who did not move.19
This study also demonstrated that within a sample
of children with antisocial
behaviour problems there is a relationship between CU traits and peripheral serotonin
levels that is independent from antisocial
behaviour severity.
Participants were a subset
of a larger sample who met formal criteria for: 1) DSM - IV diagnosis [40]
of antisocial
behaviour problems (ODD or CD) using DISCAP structured interview [41]; 2) aged from 3 — 16 years for the genetic sample (M = 7.61, SD = 3.12) and aged 4 — 12 years for the serum sample (M = 6.89, SD = 2.25); 3) no major neurological / physical illness; 4) IQ > 75; 5) have at least one set
of measures
of serotonin system SNPs or serum serotonin
levels; 6) all known (at least 3) grandparents
of Caucasian background (for participants included in the genetics sample); 7) provided written parental consent.
Our findings were mostly in agreement with a dose response relationship, in which increasing
levels of difficult temperament and
behaviour problems in early childhood are associated with increasing severity (frequency and persistence)
of bedwetting.
This paper reports on the effects
of the mindfulness intervention provided for mothers (Stage 1) and children (Stage 2) as demonstrated by the
level of mindfulness, parenting stress, and family quality
of life for mothers, and
problem behaviours for children.
Participants completed a series
of gambling vignettes designed to elicit data on reported bet size according to different prize
levels and debt sizes; the Eysenck Impulsivity Scale (Eysenck and Eysenck 1977); the Canadian
Problem Gambling Index; and an author - constructed questionnaire eliciting data on demographic and gambling
behaviours.