We should have been able to quickly agree to argue strongly that although immigration was an issue in the campaign, the combined strength of Remain and
liberal Leave votes meant that it should not be interpreted as a mandate for huge cuts in immigration.
Not exact matches
IMHO, there tends to be little electoral overlap between the provincial and federal levels, at least in this province, and in fact the
vote splits between right,
left and centre are quite different with one unified Conservative party (more aligned with Wildrose than with Alberta PC), and a not - quite - as - moribund
Liberal party in play.
McCarty, Rosenthal and Poole write that «
voting in Congress is highly ideological - one - dimensional
left / right,
liberal versus conservative.»
The only people who think there is a religious
vote is the meida and
left wing
liberal nuts who attempt to portray all conservitives as rolling in the pews religious nuts.
If people of faith are tired of be verbally assaulted and hammered 24/7 by the
Liberal / Progressive
Left and their minions; LGBT, go to polls November 6 and
VOTE!
The
Liberal Democrats came sixth with just 474
votes, after
left - wing party Solidarity, who had former MSP Tommy Sheridan as their candidate.
Where once we had a great battle of ideologies in public life, between the socialist
left and the capitalist right, between authoritarians and
liberals, now we have only the coffee house gossip of whether Keith Vaz will get a knighthood for his
vote on 42 days and the identities of the «thirty women» Nick Clegg says he has slept with.
The IDC has been pushing for
votes on key
liberal measures in the state Senate, narrowly controlled by Republicans, amid pressure from
left - leaning groups to rejoin the Democratic mainline conference in the chamber.
Labour made a net gain of just two from the Conservatives, whilst the
Liberal Democrats collapsed in suburban England and their south - western heartlands as the centre -
left vote fragmented and centre - right voters moved over to the Tories.
This analysis confirms what we might have anticipated from the evidence of the polls — local authorities appear to contain more
Leave voters if there was a large
vote for UKIP there in the 2014 European elections, if there was a small
vote for parties of the «
left» (Labour,
Liberal Democrats, Scottish and Welsh Nationalists and Greens) on the same occasion, and in places with relatively low proportions of graduates, young people, and people from an ethnic minority background.
Since 2004, support for the
liberal Free Democratic Party has surged at the expense of Merkel's party while the far -
left Linke is attracting the
votes of around a third of former SPD supporters.
In each seat we spoke to two types of people: those who
voted no to Scottish independence in 2014, Labour or
Liberal Democrat in 2015, and who were undecided what to do this time round; and those who
voted SNP at the last general election and to
leave the EU in last year's referendum.
Bluntly, your hope is that an issue that matters to you and to many educated middle - class people (but not to most Labour voters, who may well regard the idea in the same way as many Conservatives, as a way to give unfair influence to
Liberal Democrats), electoral reform, is important enough to form an electoral alliance over, despite the fact this would
leave many party members unable to
vote (and who would get to stand in say Durham or Redcar anyway?).
With the polls neck - and - neck and no party likely to hold a majority in parliament, voters face the prospect of a new government lurching to the extreme
left, the extreme right, or breaking up the country unless they
vote Liberal Democrat to anchor Britain to the centre ground.
Historically Labour communities
voted to
Leave in far greater numbers than many
liberal commentators assumed.
Even using the «best» predicted outcome for Labour, using the upper end of the confidence interval of the predicted Labour
vote (35.45) and the lower end for the Conservatives (35.3) and
Liberal Democrats (21),
leaves Labour 18 seats short of a majority.
If they signalled they wouldn't do so, two immediate points of interest come to mind: 1) If Labour were the largest party, or even in a whole UK majority, but the Tories were the largest rump UK party, the
Liberal Democrats could more easily claim a renewed coalition with the Conservatives was preferable to a centre -
left alliance, since a government that would lose its majority within a year would be unable to govern effectively; 2) A Labour or Labour - led government following a «yes»
vote would have an incentive to push back the date of independence as far as possible.
In June 2016 following the United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, in which 51.9 % of those
voting voted in favour of
leaving the European Union, Tim Farron stated that if
Liberal Democrats were to be elected in the next parliamentary election, they would not follow through with triggering Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union and
leaving the EU («Any Member State may decide to withdraw from the Union in accordance with its own constitutional requirements») but would instead keep UK part of the EU.
The outcome of the British election produced a collapse of the classic «centrist
vote» represented by the
Liberal Democrats and a polarisation to both the right and the
left of the mainstream political parties.
This has continued since the election as the
Liberals have sacrificed many of the manifesto pledges that they used to pose themselves to the
left of the Labour Party, such as the scrapping of Trident, proportional representation, an amnesty for illegal immigrants and opposition to nuclear power — the latter on which it will now abstain in any parliamentary
votes rather than oppose it as its manifesto had stated.
After the
Leave vote, the
Liberal Democrats sought to mobilise the 48 % who
voted Remain, [95] and the party's membership rose again, reaching 80,000 by September.
At the last election only two in three
votes cast across the UK as a whole were expressions of support for one of the two largest parties, fewer than at any time since 1922 (the year that Labour first displaced the
Liberals as Britain's principal party of the
left).
This is not surprising given the fact that
Liberal Democrat voters tend to be ideologically closer to the centre -
left and they will no longer see the
Liberal Democrats as an anti-Conservative
vote (given the fact they have spent the past three and a half years in a coalition government with the Conservatives).
The WFP had considered running its own candidate in the form of a big - name
liberal star to run on Cuomo's
left and draw the 50,000
votes necessary to maintain its official ballot status.
The leadership later won the
vote, with amendments from the
left - leaning Social
Liberal Forum rejected.
Sir Vince Cable, leader of the
Liberal Democrats «We enjoyed a number of gains in areas that
voted heavily to
leave the EU, including Sunderland and Hull, as well as Remain - leaning areas that commentators would have expected us to do well in.
He has the required impeccable Brexit credentials, as former
Vote Leave spokesperson, but is seen as a
liberal Tory otherwise.
Some of these Independent candidates are former representatives of existing political parties: for example, the ex-Labour MP Tony Clarke is standing in his old seat of Northampton South (which should helpfully split the
Left wing
vote in the seat being defended by Conservative MP Brian Binley), whilst John Stevens, who is challenging John Bercow in Buckingham, is an ultra-europhile former Tory MEP who set up the Pro-Euro Conservative Party before joining the
Liberal Democrats.
Forty - seven
Liberal Democrat MPs were
voted out,
leaving only eight in the parliamentary party.
Ed Miliband, away on paternity
leave, needs to think long and hard about how to woo back disaffected
liberals who
left the party and refused to
vote for it in 2005 and 2010.
The more seats a party or grouping has, the more chance it has of forming a government - with 198 seats out of 646 the Conservative Party could only form a government if significant numbers of other MP's decided to back them, as happened in 1924 when there was a situation that the Conservatives didn't want to form a coalition with either other main party and equally the
Liberals didn't want a coalition with Labour and the
Liberals and Conservatives saw it as an opportunity to allow Labour into government but in a situation in which legislation was still reliant on
Liberal and Conservative
votes and they could be brought down at the most suitable time, supposing the notional gains were accurate and in the improbable event of the next election going exactly the same way in terms of
votes then 214 out of 650 is 32.93 % of seats compared to at 198 out of 646 seats - 30.65 % of seats and the Conservative Party would then be 14 seats closer towards a total neccessary to form a government allowing for the greater number of seats, on the one hand the Conservatives need Labour to fail but equally they need to succeed themselves given that the
Liberal Democrats appear likely to oppose anyone forming a government who does not embark on a serious programme to introduce PR, in addition PC & SNP would expect moves towards Independence for Scotland and Wales, the SDLP will be likely to back Labour and equally UKIP would want a committment to withdraw from Europe and anyway will be likely to be in small numbers if any, pretty much that
leaves cutting a deal with the DUP which would only add the backing of an extra 10 - 13 MP's.
He joined the
Vote Leave campaign committee and chaired the
Liberal Leave campaign, asserting that the EU was a body that had failed.
«The only way for voters to ensure Britain doesn't get a
left wing Labour Government propped by the SNP or a right wing Tory government propped up by Ukip and the DUP is to
vote Liberal Democrat.
Liberal Democrat Leader Tim Farron MP said that the Prime Minister was putting internal party strife over the country's best interests by allowing ministers to campaign for a «
leave»
vote.
Last year he became the only prominent
Liberal Democrat to advocate a
vote to
leave the European Union in the June referendum.
In one poll on
voting intention last week the Tory lead was trimmed to 7 % with Labour up two to 32 %, the Conservatives on 39 % and the
Liberal Democrats on 18 %,
leaving the Tories 25 seats short of a Commons» majority.
More importantly, by entering the Democratic Party, Sanders broke with the socialist principle of independent working - class political action.1 He became the «sheepdog» herding progressives, who had the option of
voting for the Green ticket of Jill Stein and Ajamu Baraka in the general election, back into a party run by the billionaire class he professes to oppose.2 Nevertheless, the broad
liberal to radical American
left is now discussing what socialism is and debating whether the Left should be inside or outside the Democratic Party — or both inside and outs
left is now discussing what socialism is and debating whether the
Left should be inside or outside the Democratic Party — or both inside and outs
Left should be inside or outside the Democratic Party — or both inside and outside.
Liberals have long asserted that more can and could have been done on those issues, even as Klein and the IDC question whether all the
votes would be available for policy goals the
left wants to see accomplished.
While
left - leaning voters in Labour -
Liberal marginals have deserted the party possibly forever,
left - leaning voters in
Liberal - Conservative marginals are still willing to lend their
vote to Nick Clegg's party in order to keep the Tories out.
Although Gapes faces no real threat from the
Liberal Democrats, his
vote appears to be a principled stand against what he believes is a too severe form of
leaving the European Union.
The UK centre -
left / centrist
vote has clearly become more
liberal, due to the surge of
liberal democrat support.
If AV falls, the Coalition looks to tumble with it, since the
Liberal Democrats will surely find a way of
leaving the Government (and the Tories - with their detestable first - past - the - post
voting system).
Have things reached the perverse situation where in order to get elected Labour have to cut public spending for their first term although they want to increase it and the Conservatives have to increase public spending in order to get elected, usually when people
vote for a different party it is because they expect something to be different from the way it was, such plans
leave it wide open for the
Liberal Democrats to come out and propose a series of economy measures and be the one of the 3 parties proposing the lowest levels of public spending and tax cuts targeted at the poor.
Veritas is finished and was really pretty much from the beginning, it never had any real raison d'etre other than as the Robert Kilroy Silk Fanclub and now that he has abandoned them what is there
left for them, The English Democrats are somewhat lightweight policy wise, UKIP actually despite the Kilroy Fiasco got the second biggest gain in total number of
votes for any party after the
Liberal Democrats and at 2.5 % are now up to where the
Liberal Party was in the 1950's, on the other hand the
Liberal Democrats have a lacklustre leadership campaign with a lot of scandals, are divided on economic policy and show every sign of being ready to implode.
The Conservatives will have a significant majority whoever leads them and the opposition
vote will splinter — to the SNP in Scotland and in the rest of the country a smattering to Labour, a rump to UKIP and loose change to a
Liberal Democrat party that
left power regretting it so much that it fled without a credible position to challenge from.
But Mr Miliband has already swallowed up the
left - wing half of the
Liberal Democrats» 2010
vote.
Matt Wootton at LeftFootForward is more concerned at the failure of the
Left to unite against FPTP: «The referendum on the Alternative
Vote was a once - in - a-lifetime chance to change politics for the better, and to mainstream red, green and
liberal politics, and sideline Conservative.
On February 17, 2005, Hillary Clinton joined with
Left - wing Senator Barbara Boxer in introducing the Count Every
Vote Act, a hodge - podge of so - called «reforms» backed by extreme
liberal groups such as People for the American Way.
Tory lite policies in 2010 and 2015 (lol) Even if this was true we still did better in those elections that when we had hard
left manifestos like 1983 (27.2 % Tory MJority of 144) and it wasn't just the SDP or the Falklands, as if the SDP didn't exist, those people would just have
voted liberal, who as a party were around before labour were, so had a right to stand
Meanwhile, Labour MPs — only fourteen of whom are thought to have
voted for him — must yearn for the Australian system, under which the
Liberal Party this week entered a room with one leader and
left it with another.