This trajectory suggests that the Balmesian tradition is largely correct to see the development of modern
liberal culture as an integral set of often anti-religious social structures, and to see this culture as closely linked to the dynamics of Christian division.
It is quite obvious that the biblical (Jewish - Christian) tradition is opposed to the post-modern
liberal culture as described above.
Not exact matches
Several disgruntled former employees have expressed concerns about «groupthink» being ingrained in what is widely known
as a hyper -
liberal company
culture value system where expressions of other views are not welcome and can lead to being ostracized or being shown the door.
Schickel's work» represented here by 175 full - color photographs» brings us face - to - face with the concerns of our own
culture war, especially
as it is manifested in clashes between traditionalists and
liberals in the Church over the past three decades.
As far as the iron law of dharma goes... well, it is quite extraordinary how liberal classical Thai culture's moral expectations of its gods could b
As far
as the iron law of dharma goes... well, it is quite extraordinary how liberal classical Thai culture's moral expectations of its gods could b
as the iron law of dharma goes... well, it is quite extraordinary how
liberal classical Thai
culture's moral expectations of its gods could be.
Yet it is surely a sign of the impoverishment of common
culture and the common good — and an index of the degree to which
liberal order has succeeded in establishing itself
as both — that we are virtually required to equate love of country with devotion to the animating philosophy of the regime rather than to, say, the tales of our youth, the lay of the land and the bend in the road, and «peace and quiet and good tilled earth.»
Rorty's
liberal ironist sees persons and
cultures as «incarnated vocabularies» and tries to resolve her doubts about her own character or her own
culture by enlarging her acquaintance of other people and
cultures.
At times, it seems that the purpose of listening is simply to occupy the time until Muslims, for example, make the same transitions that Catholics and Protestants did centuries earlier so
as to «find themselves increasingly at home in a dynamic,
liberal, and capitalist world that is full of many faiths and many
cultures.»
We want to fill our
culture again with the Christian spirit... We want to burn out all the recent immoral developments in literature, in the theater, and in the press — in short, we want to burn out the poison of immorality which has entered into our whole life and
culture as a result of
liberal excess during the past... (few) years.»
The upshot is the suppression of political debate about the common good, which is why thorough - going libertarians are such a destructive force in our political
culture, perhaps
as much so
as contemporary
liberals whose main vice is the serene smugness that assumes that all we have left is administration because everybody worth talking to already agrees with them about first principles.
By contrast, although Europe has such outstanding figures
as Leszek Kolakowski, Hans Maier and Josef Ratzinger, its public
culture is dominated by sneering secularists, who set the tone for the rest of the population and can make light work of the average bishop rolled out to confound them, especially in the case of Anglican bishops who share so much
liberal common ground.
The Benedictus College of the
liberal arts in London is now offering a one - year foundation programme in European
culture and thought
as a prelude to its full degree programme.
As I stated earlier,
liberal Christianity is a middle road between Christ and
culture in that it seeks to understand
culture, not remove itself from modern science or the arts.
It was inevitable, perhaps, that the «
culture wars» — the debate that continues to rage over the impact of political correctness, multiculturalism, and their allied ideologies — would spawn a genre of
liberal apologetics designed to exonerate liberalism itself from its role in abetting the establishment of radical doctrine
as a mandatory standard of judgment in mainstream cultural life.
Niebuhr's underlying
liberal theological assumptions are evident
as he seeks to somehow distill out from historical particularity the essential characteristics of «Christ» and of «
culture.»
However, I credit this to his postmodern education,
as well
as his insular existence
as a favored son of an elite
liberal culture that rewards irony and critique rather than conviction.
As Martin sees it, this separates him from the intolerance of the hyper - conservative fundamentalists, on the one hand, and the
liberal, apostate
culture on the other.
If the
liberal religious tradition is to regain its place
as a vital force in modem
culture, the two tendencies of the postmodernist temper, which Nathan A. Scott, Jr., has isolated
as «negative capability» (a «disinclination to try to subdue or resolve what is recalcitrantly indeterminate and ambiguous») and the «self reflexive» (a «retreat from the public world»), must be overcome.
These institutions could have been landmarks for Catholics
as we try to navigate the slow - motion degradation of
liberal culture.
And in almost exactly the same way, when the Pope condemned both materialism in thepolitical
culture of the West and secularism within the Catholic Church in Western Europe and North America, he was condemned by
liberals within the Church
as someone who lacked the sophistication to understand the complexities of life in the West.
Buber could thus be highly critical of Jewish
liberal and rationalist approaches to
culture and politics
as blocking the way back to the founding myths of Jewish religiosity.
For instance, even American Protestant
liberals whose theology may seem
as bland
as a Hallmark card, can be shown to stand firmly against the
culture on certain issues.
Where Herzl saw Zionism
as necessary because of a decay in the world in which Jews lived (anti «Semitism), Buber believed Zionism to be necessary because of a decay in Jews themselves (assimilation to modern
liberal culture).
The «family resemblance among the fields
liberals dominate» in corporate America, the arts, and academia, he explains, is that «all are associated with innovation or self - expression — what popular
culture refers to
as «creativity.
In an unexpected way, the metaphysical materialism that characterized Marxism has re-emerged after its collapse in a new form,
as the ideology of the leadership class in
liberal culture.
Science, which would ultimately have to be shackled in a traditional authoritarian regime, would continue to be pursued in the revolutionary
culture but it would not be idolized
as in the
liberal model.
I have never encountered a mainline,
liberal congregation that did not view itself
as fitting Niebuhr» s «Christ transforming
culture» model.
If Kristof denounces me with such abandon, how can the
liberal culture he represents function peacefully in a world that includes conservative Muslims who, though by no means proponents of Jihadist radicalism, also get categorized with me
as bigots, fundamentalists, and «on the wrong side history»?
One could say,
as Fowler does in somewhat different terms, that effective churches seek the sacred and the transcendent; they want their
liberal culture's confinements thrown up against and opened by the scope of eternity.
For many years — perhaps since the Scopes trial in 1925 — the eastern secular and
liberal Protestant establishments treated evangelical religion
as though it were an archaic religious form, peculiarly persistent in some regions of the country, but not a significant factor in American
culture.
This «coddling»
culture, a term coined by Haidt and Lukianoff, has been criticized by conservatives —
as would be expected — but also
liberals, including President Obama.
For Brock's former associates, the dominant hypocrisy in American life is
liberal hypocrisy, which is so enfranchised in the prestige
culture that it does not appear
as a partisan perspective.
«They know it is madness that so - called progressive,
liberal, human - rights, or social - justice people of any race or
culture have remained mightily silent
as these police shootings have been going down coast to coast.»
I have felt honoured to be so welcomed by the Fabians and by yourself in the time since I left, and I really am interested in having this debate, but whilst interning I really was taken aback by the
culture of hierarchy and deference not just in the Fabians but across
liberal think - tanks, the structures of gender and power and who was and wasn't allowed to contribute to the debate, compared to my subsequent experiences in the activist movement, where even very young, inexperienced people are treated
as equals.
Sociologist Daniel Bell once characterized himself
as «a socialist in economics, a
liberal in politics, and a conservative in
culture.»
The report is also published during a time of growing threats to
liberal democracy,
as a global «strong - man»
culture sees individuals like Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, Rodrigo Duterte, Narendra Modi, and Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
UKIP have said they will create a dedicated Minister of State for Heritage and Tourism and the
Liberal Democrats commit the party to strengthening the Hospitality and Tourism Council, with the Business and
Culture Secretaries
as co-chairs.
The Daily Politics sent
Liberal Democrat
culture spokesman Don Foster to see what the Tories get up to at their conference
as he tried on a baseball cap and wondered what Lady Thatcher would have thought of it all.
His careful attempts to position the party
as a brake on the more right - wing instincts of the Conservatives have been blown off course by having to deal with serious allegations about
Liberal Democrat conduct and defend arcane aspects of party rules and
culture.
That might not be far from the truth: a 2015 study in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin suggests
liberals and conservatives think
as though they come if not from different planets, at least from radically different
cultures.
Not necessarily
as liberal as Europe, but we are becoming a
culture far more accepting of cohabitation and children born out of wedlock.
In a
culture that is often portrayed
as being «sex crazed» and increasingly
liberal, this seems counterintuitive, so we asked our dating experts for their insight.
Michael Moore) The Leni Riefenstahl of his day, Michael Moore has neither a
liberal nor conservative agenda, but one uniquely his own — and damn if it isn't compelling and at times useful,
as is the case with Bowling for Columbine, a documentary that peels back the layers of America's «
culture of fear» with alarming acuity.
With
Liberal Arts, Radnor positions himself
as a mini-Cameron Crowe, mixing joy, life lessons and a love of
culture into a perfect, crowd pleasing film.
The
liberal lion of the Supreme Court (and second woman ever to be confirmed to the position) is presented in Betsy West and Julie Cohen's film
as equal parts civil - rights pioneer and pop
culture icon, with loving scenes of her lifting weights, cracking wise, and being turned into a meme spliced alongside original interviews and archival footage.
Take
liberal social policies, the original bike
culture, and cities and towns crisscrossed with canals, and you've got the solo traveler's Disneyland known
as the Netherlands.
Described by the renowned art critic Li Xianting
as «the epitome of the Chinese contemporary artist», Zhang is known for his lyricism
as well
as highly
liberal refinement, reconstruction, fusion and renewal of the stereotypical depictions of history and reality,
culture and society, collective and private memories.
For some Muslims, Western secular
culture and the conspicuous consumption that often goes along with it are seen
as undermining their faith; others acknowledge the democratic systems of the West but struggle to balance that appreciation against a religion that they feel leaves little room for
liberal values.
Coming from a diverse religious and cultural background, having been raised by Christian grandparents
as a
liberal, homosexual Muslim, Adams uses Islam and South African «coloured»
culture as a departure point to make sense of religious, racial and sexual liminality in South Africa.
This leads back to my open question: Can we foster a
culture in which veracity is more valuable than one's cultural identity
as a
liberal or libertarian, group hugger or individualist...?