Might the prediction of an «end of history» and of a uniform move in the direction of
liberal democracy make a comeback?
And he appears disinclined to credit the contribution to
liberal democracy made — starting with the provision of a counterweight to progressive excesses — by those who cherish tradition.
Reading the diaries of Dietrich von Hildebrand from the late 1920s and early 1930s, I was powerfully struck by how the disdain of continental European Christian intellectuals for the messy pluralism of
liberal democracy made too many of those thinkers vulnerable to the siren songs of the monism proposed by German National Socialism and Italian fascism.
Not exact matches
Trump does not believe in
liberal democracy and his voters do not believe in
liberal democracy, and that
makes the
liberal press part of the opposition.
I plan to continue to push the B.C.
Liberal government through this fall sitting of the legislature to finally stand up for good
democracy and
make the shift necessary to put individual citizens at the centre of our
democracy.
And yet, American
liberal democracy has nonetheless always
made available the tools to nurture those essential moral foundations of freedom.
The assumptions undergirding our
democracy are a somewhat paradoxical amalgamation, characterized by a free - flowing sense of moral relativism, a laissez - faire individualism and a fairly profound
liberal sense of social responsibility: It is difficult enough to
make sense out of these dogmas without considering our Christian faith in the saving power of Christ's cross.
Our theology warns us not to accept Stout's
liberal democracy at face value, and our sense of history suggests that things are not as bad as MacIntyre and Hauerwas
make them out to be.
Perhaps the most harmful transformation, though, has been the PCUSA's adoption of decision -
making procedures that mimic American - style
liberal democracy rather than expressing the character and quality of ecclesial community.
I think it is appropriate in our
liberal democracy for Christians, along with adherents of other religions, to
make decisions about political issues on the basis of whatever considerations they find true and relevant.
Regular elections and increasingly free markets
make India appear to be a more convincing exemplar of economic globalization than China, which has adopted capitalism without embracing
liberal democracy.
The form of argument in this presentation has emphasized several specific points: first, that the Asian values argument, as a challenge to the implementation of constitutional
democracy, is exaggerated and fails to account for the richness of values discourse in the East Asian region - local values do not provide a justification for harsh authoritarian practices; second, that the cultural prerequisites arguments fail because they ignore the discursive processes for value development and they are tautological, excessively deterministic and ignore the importance of human agency it, therefore,
makes little sense to take an entry test for constitutional
democracy; third, the difficulties of importing Western communitarian ideas into an East Asian authoritarian environment without adequate
liberal constitutional safeguards; fourth, the positive role of constitutionalism in constructing empowering conversations in modern democratic development and as a venue for values discourse; fifth, the importance, especially in a cross-cultural context, of indigenization of constitutionalism through local institutional embodiment; and sixth, the value of extending research focused on the positive engendering or enabling function of constitutionalism to the developmental context in general and East Asia in particular.
He perceived similarities between it and
liberal democracy, and those parallels did nothing to
make what we often assume to be our superior system more appealing to him.
However, if Russia does want to harm the West, and in particular if it desires the weakening of NATO and Western
liberal democracy, Trump's election may not herald a fundamental change in relations, but merely
make them more febrile and high risk.
Blair's project is to dismantle the Labour Party as a party based on the unions, to destroy the elements of
democracy which exist within the party and to transform the British political party system, through electoral reform, to
make possible a long - term governmental alliance with the
Liberal Democrats and, if possible, the Heseltine - Clarke wing of the Tory Party.
Ming has
made this decision - as all his political decisions - in the interest of his Party and
Liberal Democracy throughout Britain.
Shanker thought of himself as a
liberal, indeed a Socialist; but for many
liberals he seemed a racist conservative, as he maintained his fierce anti-Communist stance, supported American military power in defense of
democracy, and insisted on the primacy of the trade - union movement in
making a better society.
Therefore, while
democracy, social justice, freedom, and dignity were overlapping and shared goals among the spectrum of secular,
liberal, and Islamist groups (Alexander, 20120), scant discussion of the content or form of such wide - ranging frames were
made available to the spectrum of protestors who participated in the revolts.
Projects that can seem self - evidently good to a
liberal — such as
democracy, peace -
making, concern for the environment, the liberation of women, or freedom of speech — can seem evil or even Satanic to a fundamentalist.
Splitting his time between Paris and his native Cluj, Mircea Cantor
makes work that centers around themes of cultural history, memory, and displacement, echoing his upbringing in Romania during its tumultuous transition from state socialism to
liberal democracy.
In this regard, curiously, was a point
made in an article titled «The Whitney Biennial for Angry Women,» which criticized the biennial for including Dawoud Bey's portrait of Barack Obama as a sign of a presumably despised «
liberal democracy» and «open code for the newest American myth: the multicultural, progressive future.»
To paraphrase my own words from my Wall Street Journal op - ed last December... Scientists may not like it, but Mooney's analysis explains precisely what it means to live in a
liberal democracy; when it comes to
making decisions, especially big decisions, politics must always trump science.
He wants to discredit American
democracy and
make us weaker in terms of leading the
liberal democratic order.
As enthusiasm for deliberative
democracy in
liberal societies is «driven by a perceived distance between the drives and motivations of citizens and the political decisions
made in their name,» live - blogging in all its informational immediacy may be able to narrow the temporal distance between lawmaker and subject, as the latter is able to instantly respond to the actions of the former.
Given the
Liberal government's intention to
make fundamental changes to our
democracy without a referendum, his comments might be better regarded as indicia of a despot.
«The IPB has rightly been heavily scrutinised, however, it is important to remember that individual freedom and liberty is a key aspect of
liberal democracies, and the starting point should therefore be the principle of protection from intrusion by the state, with specific exceptions being
made only where it can be justified.