The real issue for the health
of liberal institutions, it seems to me, is not philosophical foundations, but social and cultural foundations.
As my friend and fellow philosopher Alexei Marcoux wrote, «To survive and flourish... a commercial culture must be populated in significant part by individuals possessing the virtues, habits, and dispositions that complement
classically liberal institutions.»
Many different religious and philosophical views can be used to
support liberal institutions, and Rawls is concerned with the pragmatic fact of affirmation, not with the truth of the grounds from which that affirmation arises.
If one were persuaded by Owen that it is desirable to have philosophical foundations
for liberal institutions, one would still be no closer to having them.
Fish shares Rorty's antifoundationalism, and while he does not attack or
reject liberal institutions, he is merciless in revealing the philosophical confusions that characterize many of their theoretical defenses.
Nowhere have the weak social foundations of
American liberal institutions been more evident than in the battered and tattered nature of the welfare state, and in the cynicism with which it is viewed by nearly the entire populace — from the wealthy to the poor, for different reasons.
Rather, liberalism is constituted by a pair of deeper anthropological assumptions that
give liberal institutions a particular orientation and cast: 1) anthropological individualism and the voluntarist conception of choice, and 2) human separation from and opposition to nature.
As Podhoretz puts it, «Neoconservatism came into the world to combat the dangerous lies that were being spread by the radicalism of the sixties and that were being accepted as truth by the
established liberal institutions of the day.»
Their antics are only the most visible (partly because they are sometimes the most silly) examples of
how liberal institutions influence people who think of themselves as basically apolitical.
By contrast, the Great Tradition of the philosophia perennis excelled in casting a more accurate light upon those basic philosophical conceptions that
undergird liberal institutions.
What does it say about
our liberal institutions that a regular columnist at the New York Times can combine a call for tolerance and understanding with crude denunciations of Christian conservatives?
Owen says that
liberal institutions, especially those embodying religious freedom and the separation of church and state, were spawned by the Enlightenment.
Unlike Rorty and Fish, he neither denies nor affirms the tenets of rationalist foundationalism, but he has decided that
liberal institutions are best defended not in terms of their truth, but as part of our historical inheritance.
As well these nations have more access to international markets due
their liberal institutions.
The liberal institutions that were built to entrench a permanent Democratic majority — Media Matters, the Center for American Progress, the netroots — spend as much time on shocked and shocking reports about conservatives as they spend promoting their agenda.
It's crucial to recognize the distinction between genuine threats to
liberal institutions and mere differences over policy.
I mean, Duke is
a liberal institution from top to bottom.