Cuomo last week touted his Democratic Party's brand has one that supports socially
liberal policies such as same - sex marriage, but has also been inoculated against Republican charges of being bad for businesses by supporting tax increases.
Not exact matches
Milrad said he saw the populist rhetoric as a sign that Clinton «has been listening» to backers
such as himself who want her to embrace some of the economic
policies pushed by Senator Elizabeth Warren, a hero of
liberal Democrats.
A new report from the
liberal Institute for
Policy Studies finds that
such tax cuts serve to enrich CEOs and shareholders.
In other contexts,
such as that of social action, we may want
liberals to be more assertive about convictions that divide them from others; to be willing, for example, to call a social
policy unchristian that they think is unchristian.
A more likely source is the decline of the black family (approximately three - fifths of current black births are illegitimate) and the effect that
liberal economic and social
policies have had on encouraging dysfunctional social behavior and in undermining those forces within the city
such as religion that have attempted to hold back the new urban barbarism.
A minority among the evangelicals — represented by
such journals as Sojourners and the Other Side — is so radical in its criticism of the American economy and of our foreign
policies that it gives up on
liberal politics; nonetheless, its witness is an important corrective to what many of us regard as the Moral Majority's distortions of Christian faith.
Election returns and public - opinion studies indicate discontent with some serious imperfections in recent
liberal political
policies and programs; studies also show that the general population does not want to give up the values of
such programs and still wants additional selected government services.
With America's meager pro-life protections under daily assault by the Obama administration, why give
such a dismantling the imprimatur of an international «human rights body,» staffed by ideologues and committed to
policies more radical than those of the most
liberal Democrats?
The party's leftist, post-material and socially
liberal stance is well - known, and emphasises
policies such as opposition to economic austerity and to PFIs to fund public services; higher marginal rates of income tax for the wealthy; a «living wage» for all; and the replacement of VAT with «eco-taxes»
such as aviation fuel tax.
As a matter of
policy, many early Labour MPs
such as Will Thorne and Herbert Morrison spurned the
Liberal Party's support of free trade, «frankly recognising that control over imports represented a more logical
policy for a socialist government than free trade» (Pugh 2010: 29).
Such liberal hopes for foreign
policy change are deeply embedded in the belief that individual and domestic factors have a major influence on the foreign
policy behaviour of states — and Pakistan's India
policy is at the very heart of its overall orientation in international relations.
He needs to focus on bread and butter issues like jobs and mortgages and public services and, above all, to develop a clear route map to growth, and stop fixating on the agenda of a
liberal clique around him and barmy
policies such as Lords reform and gay marriage, which people either don't like or don't care about.
They are appalled by what they see as the surrender of many key
Liberal Democrat cornerstone
policies,
such as the commitment not to renew the Trident Nuclear submarine.
De Blasio has also faced criticism from his
liberal base that some of his
policies,
such as his support of «broken windows» policing and his plan to rezone 15 city neighborhoods, do not jibe with his campaign promises to end what he called «a tale of two cities» in New York.
The
Liberal Democrats did not sign up to the Conservative formula of cutting # 4 for every # 1 raised in additional revenue and it would be impossible to pursue
such a
policy without adversely hurting the most vulnerable in society.
Mr Blair has taken the unusual step of briefing newspapers over his concern that the
Liberal Democrats will get nowhere if they move to the left of Labour, adopt a
policy of demanding higher taxes and become more critical of his party's efforts to tackle measures
such as social exclusion.
David Cameron and Nick Clegg are thought to be private supporters of a more
liberal drug
policy but
such a move would be considered politically impossible.
He's also championed
liberal policies, particularly in his second term,
such as paid family leave and a $ 15 minimum wage.
The group, along with CitizenLink and its coalition of state - based family
policy councils, questioned Trump's stances on issues
such as abortion and same - sex marriage (which tended in the past to be
liberal) as well his gambling and casino interests.
Instead, all
liberals, on whichever side of the EU referendum divide, should unite to challenge
such policies as effectively as possible, without pointless bickering as to who was to blame for past setbacks.
He became the party's home affairs spokesman in 1999, using that position to articulate the same
liberal views he has consistently held on
such issues as penal and asylum
policy.
Nevertheless, the Orange Book
liberals have left their mark with Coalitions
policies such as free schools and the pupil premium.
There is no basis for taking
such decisions in
Liberal Democrat
policy, nor in the Coalition Agreement.
Officially called the «Task Force on Evaluating Economic Development Tax Expenditures,» the group brings together
liberal activists
such as Javier Valdes of Make the Road with budget wonks,
such as Michael Dardia of the Citizens Budget Commission and James Parrott of the Fiscal
Policy Institute.
It's easier to imagine the
Liberal Democrats doing so: one doesn't need to list the rows that have taken place over VAT, student finance, housing benefit, the immigration cap and so on to prove the point (though some of the Government's biggest disagreements,
such as those over prisons
policy or the EU, are concentrated within one of the Coalition parties, the Conservatives, rather than between them).
But Labour and the
Liberal Democrats have cast doubt on the sincerity of this pledge because other Tory
policies,
such as the increase in the inheritance tax threshold, seem specifically designed to help the rich, not the poor.
Shifting Ontologies, Increased Acceptance & Entrenchment The decade of Western
liberal hegemony following the end of the Cold War was a time when even historically antagonistic global powers
such as Russia were at the mercy of international financial institutions and Western
policy makers.
Such rhetoric will cheer fans of the «Broader, Bolder Approach to Education,» a manifesto published last year by the
liberal Economic
Policy Institute, which Neuman has signed and promoted.
Informed by countless chilling anecdotes about the consequences of today's tenure and seniority
policies, conservative and
liberal judges alike may nod in agreement when the plaintiff's attorney argues soberly, «My client shouldn't be forced to fund an organization that advocates for
such laws.»
Cato has criticized President Obama's stances on
policy issues
such as fiscal stimulus, healthcare reform, foreign
policy, the war on drugs while supporting his stance on the repeal of Don't Ask, Don't Tell,
liberal immigration
policy Cato was 6 for 6 and reminds us, there still are some libertarians.
But neither are we impressed by the simplistic portrayal of Bush's stance, especially when the US's regulation of embryonic SC research is mirrored in the
policies of a host of European nations, including
such models of
Liberal democracy as Germany and Denmark.
[24] In numerous decisions, the Supreme Court of Canada has ruled that a broad,
policy - based and
liberal interpretation must be given to human rights legislation and the
policies behind
such legislation: see Canadian National Railway Co. v. Canada (Canadian Human Rights Commission), 1987 CanLII 109 (SCC), [1987] 1 S.C.R. 1114; Quebec (Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse) v. Boisbriand (City), 2000 SCC 27 (CanLII), [2000] 1 S.C.R. 665; B. v. Ontario (Human Rights Commission), 2002 SCC 66 (CanLII), [2002] 3 S.C.R. 403 at para. 44.