Sentences with phrase «liberal than voters»

Not exact matches

Liberal positions on abortion and same - sex marriage have repelled more voters than they have attracted.

I'm not too familiar with specific MPs in other countries, but if you look at US, the only Muslim congressperson (Ellison) is far less religious and far more socially liberal than an average observant Muslim voter would be.

Former Senate Majority Leader Joe Bruno deemed Giuliani «Judas» for turning his back on the party's nominee, little - known state Sen. George Pataki, who ended up defeating Mario Cuomo in what was widely attributed more to voters» rejection of the liberal incumbent than their desire to see a GOP legislator from Peekskill in the executive mansion.

At the 2010 election Liberal Democrat MPs, members and voters were all more social liberal than economic liberal (using both terms in their traditional British not American sense) i.e. left rather than right of Liberal Democrat MPs, members and voters were all more social liberal than economic liberal (using both terms in their traditional British not American sense) i.e. left rather than right of liberal than economic liberal (using both terms in their traditional British not American sense) i.e. left rather than right of liberal (using both terms in their traditional British not American sense) i.e. left rather than right of centre.

Remarkably, these voters are actually clearer about the Liberal Democrats than they are about Labour.

But scores that BES respondents gave on 0 (strongly dislike) to 10 (strongly like) scales for each of the parties show that both Conservative and Liberal Democrat voters more strongly prefer their own party over Labour than they prefer Labour over the SNP.

So it is unsurprising that UKIP support in the polls comes much more from former Conservative voters than from Labour or the Liberal Democrats.

If activists persist in supporting policies on the basis that they are infused with social liberal values and principles, rather than their popularity with the swing voter in the centre ground, then that is oh so endearingly and impractically childlike.

The government is struggling to craft a motion that satisfies Liberal Democrat MPs — who in many cases owe their seats to anti-Iraq-war defections from Labour in 2005 — as well as little England Tory backbenchers who, nudged by Ukip's anti-intervention stance yesterday, fear that Nigel Farage speaks for their voters better than Cameron does.

The Greens are currently claiming on ITV that the collapse in Lib Dem support and switch to them reflects the toxicity of their association with the Conservative Party: #BESFactCheck suggests that it is more likely reflect the fact that voters do not credit the Liberal Democrats with any of the major successes or the failures of the coalition government: fewer than one in five voters believe that the Lib Dems in government have been responsible for the upturn in the economy, changes in the NHS, changes in levels of crime, changes in levels of immigration and changes in the standards of education.

Over half of Welsh voters chose the Tories, Plaid Cymru or the Liberal Democrats in May this year, yet under Two Member First Past The Post, those parties would be left with less than a third of the seats in the Assembly.

Labour's lead — usually in the double digits — has fallen to five per cent, but the movement comes from voters returning to the Tories or confirming it made them more likely to vote, rather than any influx of Liberal Democrat or Labour voters.

Interestingly, Conservative voters are more likely to think the coalition has been good for the Liberal Democrats than for their own party.

In Lib Dem target seats Labour voters were far more likely to vote tactically against the Conservatives than against the Liberals by a margin of about 4 - 1.

Liberal Democrat voters show more support than Labour or Tory voters towards Assange throughout the poll.

Cuomo's actions have focused on his left flank: a Siena Research Institute poll earlier this month showed that fewer than half the state's voters view him favorably, and a majority of self - identified Democrats and liberals did not approve of the job he's been doing.

For now, the coalition has settled into a pattern, where it suits both parties to pretend that it is the Liberal Democrats that have prevented greater progress, rather than the deeper structural problems with their approach — though this is unlikely to fool voters for long, and there are signs that the commentariat have rumbled it too.

* Instead, keep your eye on Liberal Democrat MPs (most of whom would rather work with you than with the Conservatives) and Liberal Democrat voters (most of whom would rather vote for you than the Conservatives).

In a survey of more than 2,000 adults, 79 per cent of Labour supporters said they wanted the policy scrapped, while 65 per cent of voters planning to support the Liberal Democrats in 2015 wanted it to be dropped.

In Con - Lab marginals, while Labour voters were much more likely to give their second preference to the Lib Dems than to the Conservatives, Liberal Democrats were more likely to give their second preferences to the Tories than Labour — albeit by a smaller margin.

Significantly, even in the Liberal Democrat - held seats, less than a quarter of voters thought the Lib Dems were having a significant impact on the coalition government's agenda.

The party will also be encouraged by a finding that 25 % of all voters said they are «likely» to consider voting Green, higher than the Liberal Democrats on 23 % and just one point behind Ukip on 26 %.

Support for the death penalty tends to be strongest amongst Conservative voters, but Labour supporters also tend to be more likely than not to support it (Liberal Democrats tend to oppose).

As there are many more centrist voters than left - leaning ones in Tory - Lib Dem marginals, any formal arrangement involving Labour could put these votes at risk for the Liberal Democrats.

The parties for the 2014 election are the Democrats and Republicans (obviously), as well as the Conservative Party (founded back in the 1960s because the state GOP was seen as too liberal by some), the Independence Party (founded in the 1990s and did best with Ross Perot as its presidential candidate, not to be confused with being an independent voter), the Greens and the Working Families Party (founded in the 1990s to be more social democratic than the Democrats).

Assuming he runs, will Cuomo face a legitimate Democratic primary threat from the left — which has had an uneasy relationship with him, even as polls show he remains more popular than even de Blasio and Sen. Chuck Schumer with liberals and New York City voters, who are crucial in a Democratic primary?

Robert regarding your view that labour cold win with 35 %, yes, but we won in 1974 ′ with 37 % and I believe Callaghan actually got a few more votes in 79 ′ than 74 although the percentage was the me, the point was that the 74 manifesto was so far from what the public felt, that the following election lots of liberals or stay at home voters came out and the Tories would get 13 + million for the next f our.

An advantage among new enrollees doesn't necessarily translate into an advantage among actual voters for Democrats, as young adults tend to be both more liberal and less likely to vote than their older neighbors, but the current trend doesn't appear to be driven by an large number of 18 year olds who filled out registration forms to please their parents and have no intention of actually voting.

Regardless, since New Hampshire has a very popular Democratic governor (70 % in the polls), the Bush regime and the kiss - ass Republicans in Congress have been like maggots under the skin (which is why both Repub reps got zapped - and Sen. Sununu is about to), and the dramatic increase in liberal voters in the southern tier population centers — all makes it more than likely that NH will be going Democratic this year no matter who heads the ticket.

The reasons for the difference between Labour's big lead at Westminster and almost non-existent lead for the mayoralty is partly down to the Liberal Democrat vote, which breaks in Johnson's favour, and partly down to there being more «Labour for Boris» voters than there are «Tories for Ken».

It is felt by 84 % of Tory voters, 70 % of people whose household income exceeds # 70,000 a year and 68 % of people in managerial and professional jobs — but also by 55 % of Labour supporters, 57 % of Liberal Democrats, 65 % of people in semi - or unskilled jobs and 60 % of those living on less than # 10,000 a year.

«More voters, 46 percent, now describe Cuomo as a liberal, than at any time since he's been Governor.

His political brand was built on compromising with Republicans to get results, a government of action rather than a «debating society,» appealing to moderate voters who rated him more highly than liberals.

It could go any way — BNP and UKIP voters are presumably more likely to move to the Tories than elsewhere, or the other votes may drift towards the Liberal Democrats, the traditional repository for voters disillusioned with both main parties, or these may merely be protesting Labour voters who will return to voting Labour once Tony Blair himself is replaced (or, of course, things could be different this time and the high level of «other support could persist into the next election — it is impossible to tell).

Less than one voter in three agrees that «by entering the Coalition, the Lib Dems have managed to get real liberal policies put into action» — and most of these are either already Lib Dem supporters or pro-Coalition Tory voters.

In normal opinion polls Conservative and Liberal Democrat voters say they are far more likely to vote than Labour voters, and therefore — the theory goes — if everyone voted it would favour Labour.

«We need to reach out to small «l' liberal voters who have a modern outlook on life, who want a party that is hard - headed on the economy — more credible on the economy than Labour — but more socially progressive and fairer than the Conservatives.

To my knowledge DADT repeal was never put in front of voters other than vicariously through the election of Obama and a liberal Congress.

Almost half of voters expressing a preference think the Liberal Democrat Treasury spokesman Vince Cable, would make a better Chancellor than his Labour or Tory counterparts.

The Liberal Democrats are doing much better in seats when voters are asked about their specific constituency than in national polls.