Sentences with phrase «liberal theories of»

While Ogden argues to the existence of an ontic whole as the condition of the possibility of our valuing, it not only can be, but also has been argued with similar care that such a reality, understood as the supreme instance» of that «comprehensive moral principle» required to account fully for human evaluation is thereby likewise necessarily presupposed by such evaluation (Franklin I. Gamwell, Beyond Preference: Liberal Theories of Independent Associations [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984], chap.

Proceeding in this way enables us to connect the private good of individuals with the common good of the community, unlike liberal theories of justice that consider only «rights.»

Whether one views constitutional interpretation as grounded in a theory of original meaning or the traditional liberal theory of judicial restraint and neutral principles, the distinctive nature of this approach is that it is legal in nature.

If a new vision of man's destiny is to come it will have to be founded on something different from the liberal theory of progress, and also something different from the complete rejection of that idea in contemporary theology.

The decline of the party press and subsequently of political parties themselves as primary means of communication with voters limits the viability of the liberal theory of the press as a pluralistic ideological advocate.

on Symposium: Alter and Helfer's Liberal Theory of International Courts — Interlocutors, Context, Backlash

March 14th, 2018 - 8:00 AM EDT Comments Off on Symposium: Alter and Helfer's Liberal Theory of International Courts — Interlocutors, Context, Backlash Continue Reading» http://opiniojuris.org/2018/03/14/symposium-alter-and-helfers-liberal-theory-of-international-courts-interlocutors-context-backlash/

Derived from a liberal theory of justice in which maximum individual autonomy is paramount, any need to limit freedom within the accommodation framework is conceptualized as a practical obstacle created by the inconveniences of social life.

Not exact matches

Two BC NDP candidates resigned over their drug use, while BC NDP candidate Julian West resigned for getting naked in front of minors and a Liberal candidate in Winnipeg was cut loose over her 9 - 11 conspiracy theories.

Conspiracy theories have started to widely circulate claiming that some of the most visible student activists are not actually students but «crisis actors» meant to carry a message for liberals and other anti-gun lobbyists.

In theory, there could be appetite in a number of liberal - dominated states, from New Jersey to Connecticut to Hawaii to New York (where Republicans control the State Senate, but only with the consent of a dissident faction of Democrats who might back this change).

My theory (admittedly based on anecdotes) is that some voters may be getting tired of hearing how good the Liberals say they are — all those boasts about how feminist they are, their brave resistance to racism, about how good and decent they are.

Religious believers are likely to get further in discourse with the current generation of secular academics by 1) continually demonstrating, as Posner himself seems to intuit, that only a moral theory founded on God can actually «work,» in the sense of bridging the gap between «is» and «ought»; and 2) demonstrating the inherent self «contradictions of the moral theories advocated by the «secular liberals.»

While ridiculing the claims of both «liberal «secular» and «conservative «religious» theorists, it is only religious theorists whom Posner appears to concede may be able to produce a credible theory of moral realism, based on «faith in a Supreme Lawgiver.»

A theory of constitutional law that may be out of fashion in today's legal academy, but that fits comfortably within the modern conservative and the traditional liberal views of the courts, begins with certain basic premises: the existence of law and the possibility of meaningful rules of law.

In another sense, however, conservatism does rest in a system of belief, and is opposed as much to the theory as to the practice of socialist and liberal politics.

But insofar as you do think there are differences between rightly understood Locke and the contemporary libertarian or classic liberal reading of natural rights applied to economic issues, perhaps you will wind up defending at least part of my theory.

But in theory at least, any field, any book, any course of study, presented in the right way, can provide an entry point for the awakening of a desire for liberal learning.

Fundamental to liberal political theory is what I call liberalism's «private view of happiness.»

Consequently, a theory of politics requires an ordering principle of final causation, i.e., a principle of value, which alone allows one to describe the relations among choices.6 Perhaps enough has been said, then, to indicate a line of argument through which the liberal view of happiness may be challenged and attention to an alternative provoked.

hey G, I am acquainted with your theory there... it is called Preterism... it is the standard interpretation of Revelation given by liberals... I walked away from that belief and the church I was raised in when I found out what they are teaching... Nope, the book of revelation is not a «code» for the events of the day at the time of the fall of Jerusalem.

This view is, I hold, more or less pervasively affirmed, explicitly or implicitly, throughout the liberal tradition, so that its absence would provide good reason to doubt whether the theory in question is a part of that tradition.

Some may counter that a political theory in this mode must also reject the liberal affirmation of maximal freedom.

Both broad streams of traditionalist responses to the contemporary climate of oppression — those who say our troubles are an extension of liberal principles and those who say they are a betrayal of those principles — tend to jump too quickly from theory to practice, and so to treat the lived experience of our society as a kind of working out of philosophical premises.

Therefore, it is fair to say that the ontological presuppositions of liberal political theory were fated to undermine the classical and Christian moral inheritance and the nobility of liberalism's own ideals.

In agreement with most nonteleological expressions in the liberal political tradition, this theory affirms that rights articulate a universal or natural moral law; but, against the persisting weight of the modern natural law tradition, the universal right to general emancipation is not bound to the assertion that human rights are independent of any inclusive good.

Thirty essays, some of them by FT contributors, cover everything from liberal theory to race theory to feminism to the anthropological presuppositions of criminal law, all written from explicitly Christian perspectives.

But if Spengler's quip has at least a kernal of truth to it, it suggests that reconsidering this relationship will be vital to any post-liberal political theory, especially ones interested in resisting late - liberal urges to globalize ever - larger swaths of society as a way of covering up for centralization's previous disappointments.

Both orthodox and liberal Protestants subscribed to theories of the atonement reflecting their respective visions of Christ's work.

The right embraces a market orthodoxy that places the choosing, autonomous individual at the center of its economic theory and accepts the larger liberal frame in which the only alternative to this free - market, individualist orthodoxy is statism and collectivism.

Reading at least portions of Smith's two master works, The Wealth of Nations and The Theory of Moral Sentiments, should be a part of liberal arts education.

Let us summarize the three difficulties which all theories of historical progress toward the Kingdom of God inherently involve, and at the same time try to extract from the liberal doctrine the element of truth which it certainly embodies.

I am sure I would disagree with much of Matt Walsh's views, but would I support any particular flavor of «Liberal Gender Theory» — I doubt it, but then, I need a link to a clear testable tTheory» — I doubt it, but then, I need a link to a clear testable theorytheory.

Adam Smith, the founder of classical liberal economic theory, was also deeply concerned with morality.

George Albert Coe's Social Theory of Religious Education best translated the liberal understanding to the area of church education.

Although the present article is primarily directed against strict identity theory (which is connected with what Feezell calls the conservative view of abortion), it also has implications for Feezell's moderate view, which criticizes the casual attitude some (he calls them liberals) may have toward the fetus, which is a «soon - to - be-actual» person (47).

Conservatives and liberals alike have debated the use of faith - development theory in Christian education.1

Much of the older liberal criticism of Anselm's theory derives from a semi-Pelagianism which produces an inadequate sense of the seriousness of sin and the brokenness of our relationship with God.

Liberals, conservatives, communitarians and libertarians all came together under the theory that many social ills would radically diminish if more people had the responsibility of home ownership.

In 1826 he wrote on the subject of liberal economic theories: «These theories as they are practised have contributed to the growth of material wealth, but have diminished overall satisfaction for the individual;... they tend to render the rich richer and the poor, poorer, more dependent and more miserable.»

Yet this very analysis of why conservative churches are growing assumes the presumptions of liberal social theory and practice that I am suggesting is the source of our difficulty.

In theory, they can have their own married priests, parishes and bishops - and they will be free of liturgical interference by liberal Catholic bishops who are unsympathetic to their conservative stance.

His topic was typical for the kind of analytic liberal theory he practiced: how best to interpret, and implement, equality, particularly when faced with the demands of modern feminism.

Growing out of a series of books and essays Kekes has written over the last several years - on the nature of moral argument, the problem of evil, and the conflictual goods and evils that make up life as we know it - Against Liberalism marks the author's most explicit broadside against liberal theory to date.

Thus community is championed more in theory than in reality, more as an ideal of liberal universalism than as the diverse relational structures that impose themselves upon us in everyday life.

On the other hand leaders of the Bible school movement have been developing a theory of liberal arts education with the Bible at its center, and through an accrediting association have moved toward standardization and steady improvement of a program which seeks to synthesize conservative evangelical Christianity with a valid educational ideal.

George's perfectionist theory of civil liberties merits scholarly attention, especially from liberals who too easily dismiss natural law thinking as an outdated approach to politics and ethics.

Nodding in the direction of Charles Taylor's Sources of the Self, Levenson contends that in contrast to the liberal political theory that is predicated on an autonomous self, the Bible constructs the self in familial, tribal, transgenerational, and ultimately in national terms.

Liberal theory tends to use double images of human beings.

Climatologists are always looking for good junk scientists to support their phony liberal Global Warming theory, and you're a liberal junk scientist of the first order.