Not exact matches
DNC Convention Democrats are trying to present Hillary Clinton
as a barrier - breaking
liberal champion, but many
voters already know her and often dislike her.
The loss of that clause, which
liberals had seen
as a crowning achievement of the Civil Rights movement, makes it easier for states to adopt voting laws that can have an adverse impact on minority
voters.
As Clinton gets closer to securing her party's nomination, Democratic voters believe it is important that she throw a bone to her party's base; 52 percent of them said it is important for her to choose a liberal as her running mate, and 41 percent said that it was important for that person to be from outside of Washington, D.
As Clinton gets closer to securing her party's nomination, Democratic
voters believe it is important that she throw a bone to her party's base; 52 percent of them said it is important for her to choose a
liberal as her running mate, and 41 percent said that it was important for that person to be from outside of Washington, D.
as her running mate, and 41 percent said that it was important for that person to be from outside of Washington, D.C.
Liberal poll numbers slide
as Prime Minister smiles and waves to angry
voters I'm hungry.
Past Conservative
voters who own small businesses view this proposal
as unfair by nearly seven - to - one, and they are joined in this opinion by a plurality of
Liberal - voting business owners (43 %),
as seen in the following graph:
Anyway, it'll be on policy choices that the Trudeau Government stands or falls with Canadian
voters, regardless of the effort of the Conservatives to make couture an issue, and while there's plenty to criticize in the
Liberal policy book, taken
as a package Canadians don't yet seem that dissatisfied with what they're getting.
Rush Limbach's comments will be taken
as gospel for the Right, but they truely illustrate the reason the GOP is in turmoil... the leaders need the Religious Right to win, but know they are being intellectually dishonest because their values do not match the Religious Right, except on the abortion issue, whhich will never go away because the GOP needs that 20 % of
voters who would otherwise vote Democrat becasue the
Liberal values match Christian values more closely.
The decline of the party press and subsequently of political parties themselves
as primary means of communication with
voters limits the viability of the
liberal theory of the press
as a pluralistic ideological advocate.
I am highly offended that you haven chosen to classify
liberal and Democrat
voters as atheist or non practicing Christans, therefore lumping me into that category.
For instance, in last year's Dutch election 85 % of CD
voters described themselves
as religious; for the Socialists,
Liberals, and Democrats «66, the figures were 55 %, 40 %, and 25 % respectively.
That effectively disenfranchised many
voters in the
liberal college town Ohio conservatives refer to
as «People's Republic of Oberlin.»
The technique might have been expected to over-represent
liberal or left wing parties because of the prevalence of young, urban
voters online, but it appears the use of search data,
as opposed to social media, may have limited the impact of demographic imbalances online.
In my most recently published paper «Post-war
voters as fiscal
liberals: local elections, spending, and war trauma in contemporary Croatia», co-authored with Professor Josip Glaurdić from the University of Luxemburg, we attempt to provide an answer to these questions in the context of a post-conflict society in which we examine how the impact of war affects citizens» preferences towards redistribution.
Schneiderman has positioned himself
as the most
liberal candidate in the five - person Democratic AG field, and also the choice of Latino and black
voters, which explains his support of Espaillat (although the two have a longstanding relationship; Espaillat backed Schneiderman when former NYC Councilman Guillermo Linares mounted a failed primary challenge to the Manhattan senator in 2002).
The party is hesitant to come out with something that pleases one group and alienates the other
as it attempts to hold together a shaky coalition of city - dwelling
liberals and comparatively socially conservative, but economically left - leaning,
voters who're more likely to reside in smaller towns in Wales, the Midlands and the North.
Of the 634
voters it spoke to who ranked Labour
as their first preference, 49 % said they would prefer a minority government, compared to 30 % who wanted to see a coalition with the
Liberal Democrats.
If only of course the 34th were a «
liberal» district
as opposed to a relatively conservative district for NYC — maybe you think the other
voters of the 34th might want a say in who represents them?
Labour made a net gain of just two from the Conservatives, whilst the
Liberal Democrats collapsed in suburban England and their south - western heartlands
as the centre - left vote fragmented and centre - right
voters moved over to the Tories.
Were an individual Gloucestershire
voter given up to seven votes to distribute
as s / he saw fit, it is of course impossible to know whether this would lead to seven Conservative MPs returned (
as was the case in the 2015 election), or a mixture of parties (in 2005 the seats were split three Conservative, two Labour and two
Liberal Democrat).
Until now, even the most eager, and unemployed, floating
voter is unlikely to have seen even one of the Labour, Conservative and
Liberal Democrat leaders up close and personal, let alone,
as they will be in the debates, not speechifying but tested and challenged live by their fiercest rivals.
Not only did the
Liberal Democrats alienate left - leaning
voters by entering the coalition, but its leaders did
as much
as David Cameron and George Osborne to brand Labour
as spendthrift and irresponsible — Nick Clegg by playing up the comparison between the UK and Greece, David Laws by brandishing the now - notorious note from Liam Byrne.
«When we emerge victorious from the primary, Ms. Gillibrand will be unable to hide from her record
as the Most
Liberal Senator in Washington and
voters will have a stark choice between a businessman who will address our nation's fiscal crisis and a politically - expedient politician.»
Democrats are facing an open breach between the demands of their political base and the strict limits of their power,
as liberal activists dream of transforming the health care system and impeaching Trump, while candidates in hard - fought elections ask wary independent
voters merely for a fresh chance at governing.
I look at the particular challenges for Labour in reconnecting to disillusioned
liberal - left
voters as part of the task of rebuilding the broad electoral coalition which won it three election victories.
Parties attempt to convince
voters hung parliament would create uncertainty
as Liberal Democrat popularity continues
The government is struggling to craft a motion that satisfies
Liberal Democrat MPs — who in many cases owe their seats to anti-Iraq-war defections from Labour in 2005 —
as well
as little England Tory backbenchers who, nudged by Ukip's anti-intervention stance yesterday, fear that Nigel Farage speaks for their
voters better than Cameron does.
Support cuts across ideological lines and geographic regions, with 64 percent of
liberal, 57 percent of moderate, and 52 percent of conservative
voters,
as well
as 60 percent of New York City dwellers and 55 percent of both Upstate and suburban residents standing behind reform.
Bluntly, your hope is that an issue that matters to you and to many educated middle - class people (but not to most Labour
voters, who may well regard the idea in the same way
as many Conservatives,
as a way to give unfair influence to
Liberal Democrats), electoral reform, is important enough to form an electoral alliance over, despite the fact this would leave many party members unable to vote (and who would get to stand in say Durham or Redcar anyway?).
That is about the same
as the figure for Democrats generally: — about half of them were likely
voters, with little difference among conservative, moderate and
liberal Democrats.
The minority party, with virtually no legislative power to block Trump Cabinet nominees
as was illustrated this morning, is under pressure from
liberal voters to do whatever they possibly can to stop Trump's nominees from being approved.
The Schneiderman campaign has been racking up support in the LGBT community and touting that fact
as he strives to position himself
as the most
liberal AG contender in the five - Democrat field, believing it will give him the edge among the left - leaning
voters who tend to come out in primaries.
As Michigan and Arizona
voters head to the polls to choose a Republican presidential candidate, the folks at Daily Kos hope that at least a few
liberals will be among them.
At the same time, a Siena College poll this week found more
voters, 46 percent, view Cuomo
as liberal — a designation that comes
as the governor has opened up blistering critiques of President Donald Trump on issues like immigration and gun control.
They have to work out what to do about disillusioned
Liberal Democrat
voters at the same time,
as well
as keeping up with the high volatility of floating
voters.
Accordingly we would be far better off with Cable leading the
Liberal Democrats,
as he would have minimal appeal to Conservative leaning
voters, but strong appeal for Labour leaning
voters.
How Nick Clegg can seriously class himself
as Liberal is beyond me and given the party's record while in this despicable coalition, I feel many supporters and potential
voters will never vote
Liberal while Clegg is the two faces of modern liberalism.
Again and again
voters have rejected the party —
as Nick Clegg said, «it has been a cruel and punishing night for the
Liberal Democrats».
There are doubts about the breadth of Corbyn's appeal given his cultural identity
as a left - wing metropolitan
liberal representing the constituency of Islington North, allegedly «a world away» from the concerns of most uncommitted Labour
voters.
However, another view suggests that the
Liberal Democrats can't possibly perform
as badly
as widely reported and that many 2010
Liberal Democrat
voters will vote for the party once again in the 2015 general election.
With the party already at a financial disadvantage compared to Labour and the Conservatives, the
Liberal Democrats are likely to face real difficulties in getting their message across to
voters — especially when attention is paid to the two main parties and emerging forces such
as UKIP and the Greens.
This is not surprising given the fact that
Liberal Democrat
voters tend to be ideologically closer to the centre - left and they will no longer see the
Liberal Democrats
as an anti-Conservative vote (given the fact they have spent the past three and a half years in a coalition government with the Conservatives).
A third of
Liberal Democrat
voters, and even one in seven who say they will vote Labour, see him
as the best man for the job.
But ironically, keeping the WFP's ballot status, much less its spot at Row E, appears to be increasingly a concern for party leaders and activists
as the governor pushes for
voters to back him on the Women's Equality Party line, which is increasingly being seen
as a rival for
liberals» votes and potential siphon away support from the WFP.
The email appeal comes
as the WFP is making a concerted effort to have
liberal voters vote on their ballot line.
Reports of Conservative
voters jumping ship to join UKIP, follow previous defections including Winston Churchill, elected
as a Conservative MP defecting to the
Liberal Party and back again, plus the SDP in 1981 mainly formed from the Labour ranks.
Fifty - six percent of
voters who identify
as liberals and 60 percent of New Yorkers who say they are conservative are against the idea.
«If (Peebles) can position himself
as the person who genuinely cares about the «downtrodden,» that would resonate with the
liberal voters who thought that de Blasio was going to be this progressive champion that he's not.»
He identified the use of Labour's «pink bus» targeting female
voters, Nicola Sturgeon using a helicopter
as transport, and the
Liberal Democrats using an election bus
as examples where expenditure was not allocated to the constituency where campaigning took place.
«Cheadle, currently held by
Liberal Democrats with a majority of just under 4,000, is among seats no longer regarded
as likely to fall despite a well - funded, two - year campaign to woo key groups of
voters.
Local success boosted the party's chances in Westminster elections
as voters were more likely to support the
Liberal Democrats where it had a chance of winning, thereby diluting concerns that voting for the party would be a wasted effort.