Sentences with phrase «liberals and conservatives suggests»

Not exact matches

And a new Forum Research poll taken since Saturday's election call gives the Conservatives 41 per cent, Liberals 24 per cent and NDP 19 per cent — suggesting a seat count in which the Tories win 19 new seats for a majority with 162 seats, the Liberals lose 17 to 61, the Bloc rises by seven to 51 and the NDP drops two to And a new Forum Research poll taken since Saturday's election call gives the Conservatives 41 per cent, Liberals 24 per cent and NDP 19 per cent — suggesting a seat count in which the Tories win 19 new seats for a majority with 162 seats, the Liberals lose 17 to 61, the Bloc rises by seven to 51 and the NDP drops two to and NDP 19 per cent — suggesting a seat count in which the Tories win 19 new seats for a majority with 162 seats, the Liberals lose 17 to 61, the Bloc rises by seven to 51 and the NDP drops two to and the NDP drops two to 24.

Carl noted that Chait's column validates long - held conservative complaints about liberal bias in the media and Corey suggested that media liberals are following the George Lakoff's advice to ignore rather....

The failure of our foreign policy to harmonize the dreams of (liberal) dignity and (conservative) nobility must suggest to us that this project can only proceed at home.

Many possible causes have been suggested, among them a general conservative trend of our times, greater faithfulness by liberals to the radical demands of the gospel, and greater expression by conservatives of warmth, zeal...

The leader wrote for the Anglican Communion News Service on Monday after several conservative Christian figures suggested the Church was sending a liberal and damaging message about gender identity.

Yet this very analysis of why conservative churches are growing assumes the presumptions of liberal social theory and practice that I am suggesting is the source of our difficulty.

The problems of teen - age sexuality and the fact that conservative political and religious groups have put these problems on their agendas suggest that it is urgent for mainline denominations and liberal churches to recover a credible voice in matters of human sexuality — both the ethical and the practical.

Many possible causes have been suggested, among them a general conservative trend of our times, greater faithfulness by liberals to the radical demands of the gospel, and greater expression by conservatives of warmth, zeal or certainty.

And its relatively liberal readership suggests that it's not as conservative as its editorial positions might suggest.

Other research in political psychology suggests that the no campaign has had a much easier job — those inclined to political conservatism are more likely to have a «negativity bias» in their response to environmental stimuli — conservatives have more of a physiological reaction to potential threats in the environment and subsequently devote more psychological resources towards dealing with them: conservatives, quite literately, see more things that could go wrong than liberals.

I suggest that this is a Conservative administration, with a miscellany of forgettable Liberal Democrats serving as decoration and window - dressing.

In addition to the big Conservative majority they collectively suggest that the Liberal Democrats seat tally will only increase by four and that the SNP will be down seven.

The Greens are currently claiming on ITV that the collapse in Lib Dem support and switch to them reflects the toxicity of their association with the Conservative Party: #BESFactCheck suggests that it is more likely reflect the fact that voters do not credit the Liberal Democrats with any of the major successes or the failures of the coalition government: fewer than one in five voters believe that the Lib Dems in government have been responsible for the upturn in the economy, changes in the NHS, changes in levels of crime, changes in levels of immigration and changes in the standards of education.

The education secretary put a brave face on the announcement but it is one of the most significant U-turns in the coalition's already lengthy history of them and suggests a new fault - line between the Liberal Democrats and the Conservatives on education policy.

Using a polling average for 8th October 2013 of Conservatives 32 %, Labour 39 % and Liberal Democrats 10 % the revised method suggested a 42 % chance of a Conservative overall majority.

So these results suggest that Conservative and Liberal Democrat voters were not disproportionately staying at home.

Labour sources privately suggested that tactical voting from Conservative and Liberal Democrat supporters may have helped swing the vote further in their favour in what was acknowledged to be a two horse race.

I don't put much store in opinion polls, but if true it would only indicate roughly what you would expect to happen at this point in the parliament - 32 % isn't that much lower than Labour got in the 2005 General Election and all it would suggest is that the Liberal Democrats are having a reversal - tactical voting could see them holding onto many of their current seats, indeed it is even possible that if they got 17 % of the vote that if it focused in an area that they could actually end up with more seats, where the switches in support are occuring is crucial - if they are focused then if the Conservative Party were to get 39 % then it might still result in them getting fewer seats than Labour or in extremis winning a 150 seat majority or so?

Surprisingly, the survey suggests public scepticism is not confined to the Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats but extends to the smaller parties likely to win «protest votes».

Meanwhile, the gulf between the attitudes of the Conservatives - Liberal Democrat coalition and those in the labour movement was highlighted by a TUC report out today, which suggested that the poorest had been in a livelihood crisis for the last 30 years.

The changes in England and Wales result in the Conservatives losing 10 seats, Labour losing 28 seats, the Liberal Democrats losing 4 and the Greens losing Brighton Pavilion (though notional calculations like these risk underestimating the performance of parties with isolated pockets of support like the Greens and Lib Dems, so it may not hit them as hard as these suggest).

Early projections suggested the Conservatives would come first, with just under 30 % of the vote, the United Kingdom Independence party second, with around 20 %, and Labour and the Liberal Democrats would battle it out for third and fourth place.

Among other results, Lord Ashcroft's polls suggested that the growth in SNP support would translate into more than 50 seats; [124] that there was little overall pattern in Labour and Conservative Party marginals; [125] that the Green Party MP Caroline Lucas would retain her seat; [126] that both Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg and UKIP leader Nigel Farage would face very close races to be elected in their own constituencies; [127] and that Liberal Democrat MPs would enjoy an incumbency effect that would lose fewer MPs than their national polling implied.

Alan Milburn's core 2005 slogans «Forward not back» and «Your family better off» did not in themselves seem to contain anything to suggest «Labour» rather than «Conservative» or «Liberal Democrat» would be the party claiming them.

McLaughlin also suggests that self - identified conservatives «outnumber liberals by almost 2:1,» and that some 40 percent call themselves «conservative» while just 24 percent say they're liberal, and 30 percent call themselves «moderate.»

Colin Hay, professor of political analysis at the University of Sheffield, suggested the opposition's big problem was breaking free of the «crisis discourse» now firmly entrenched by the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats in government.

«The national Democratic Party, from Obama on down, [are pro-hydrofracking] and [Cuomo's] brand is not being a big environmentalist... he's a fiscal conservative and a social liberal... plus there's a lot of money coming from the oil and gas industry to his campaign,» said Hawkins, suggesting that this money will fund his presidential bid.

A member of the free market think tank Reform, Browne has been associated with the more right wing and free - market orientated wing of the Liberal Democrats, and occassionally suggested as a target for seduction by a Conservative party looking to lure Liberal Democrat defections (more information at They work for you)

It is a peculiar logic to suggest that a Conservative party donor is the reason why a Liberal Democrat cabinet member in this department and a Liberal Democrat as chief secretary should support the proposal.»

Reports have suggested that Labour and the Liberal Democrats would support the rejection of the instrument, but either Conservative or Crossbench support would be needed to ensure its success.

One in three people (34 per cent) who voted Conservative in May and 59 per cent of those who backed the Liberal Democrats think the cuts are unfair, suggesting a marked difference of view between supporters of the two Coalition partners.

That might not be far from the truth: a 2015 study in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin suggests liberals and conservatives think as though they come if not from different planets, at least from radically different cultures.

That might have dulled the partisanship around global warming, he suggests, and made it easier for some conservatives to shift their views «because they're not hearing a constant barrage of «This is a liberal hoax.

Moral foundations theory suggests that liberals and conservatives respond differently to broad moral categories.

The findings suggest that, compared with liberals, conservative political leaders are more likely to use parts of speech that stress «clarity and predictability».

Substance is too often shallow, case studies are not used often enough, creative use of materials is seldom suggested in the activities section, and perhaps most seriously, textbook content reflects the perspectives of conservative censors — and occasionally liberal ones too.

Suffice it to say that my political positions are closer to his than those of the most liberal justices, and that's why I wouldn't want to suggest that conservative judges would be more likely to defend unreasonable outcomes such as the damages award in this Apple v. Samsung case.